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ANNUAL ADDRESS ^^J^^lJ 



DELIVERED TO THE 



C^^^^^i/L^^^^/i 



ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL 



BY 

A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE, Ph.D., CLE. 

PRESIDENT OP THE SOCIETY 

1897-1898. 



Calcutta, 2nd February, 1898. 



CALCUTTA: 

BAPTIST MISSION PRESS. 

1898. 



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ANNUAL ADDRESS 



DELIVERED TO THE 



ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL 






BY 

A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE, Ph.D., CLE. 

PRESIDENT OF THE SOCIETY 

1897-1898. 



Calcutta, 2nd February, 1898. 



CALCUTTA : 

BAPTIST MISSION PRESS. 

1898. 



DS 
4.23 



ANNUAL ADDRESS, 
1898. 



Gentlemen, 

I now rise to deliver the usual annual address. I confess that 
when you did me the honour, last year, of nominating me to the post of 
President of your Society, it was the prospect that I should have to 
deliver such an address which made me hesitate before I accepted your 
honouring proposal. Looking over the annual addresses delivered with- 
in the last ten years, I notice that they have been gradually growing to 
very large dimensions. The last two addresses occupy respectively, in 
print, 154 and 170 of the pages of our Proceedings. The thought that 
possibly it might be expected of me to " break this record" caused me 
many misgivings, because 1 felt that I lacked both the ability and the 
leisure to do so. Indeed I felt rather inclined at one time to initiate a 
new departure by returning to the previous long-prevailing custom of 
the President making only a few brief observations on the past year's 
proceedings of the Society. But my courage failed me ; I felt I 
must leave it to some one of greater weight than myself to make the 
change ; but I cannot help thinking that a return to the old practice 
would be wise in the interests of the Society. At this, the busiest time 
of the year, there should be no stumbling-block put in the way of 
those whom we desire to take upon themselves the responsible post of 
President of our Society. 

There are two preliminary remarks which I wish to make. One re- 
fers to the Report of the Council which has just been read. You will have 
observed that we close our accounts with a deficit of Rs. 3,417-1-2. 
This is a rather serious matter, considering that the regular condition 

37 



2 Annual Address. 

of our finances is that our income just about balances our expenditure. 
The deficit has been due to two co-operating causes : a decrease in our 
receipts and an increase in our expenditure. The main cause of the 
former is the reduction of Rs. 744 under the head of subscriptions from 
members. Only sixteen new members joined the Society during the past 
year. It seems to me a cause of much regret that the Society does not 
receive as much support as it deserves, especially from some of the 
scientific departments. I would earnestly impress upon our members 
tbe necessity of increasing the resources of the Society by inducing 
larger accessions to our numbers. The main cause of the increase 
in our expenditure has been the extraordinary cost of publishing 
our Journal Parts I. and II. In Part I. eight numbers (including 
Extras) have been issued instead of the usual four, and in Part II. one 
number, an important one, was unusually large. Prom one point of 
view, of course, this activity is very satisfactory ; but it caused the 
budget allowance to be exceeded by nearly Rs. 3,000. I trust that our 
Secretaries, who so ably edit our Journals, will see the necessity of 
endeavouring in the ensuing year to keep within the limits of their 
allowances. There is a very special reason for the practice of economy. 
In company with the rest of Calcutta our Society suffered heavily in 
the late earthquake. Our premises were severely damaged, and we had 
to incur a heavy bill for repairs done by Messrs. Macintosh Burn & Co. 
This bill, amounting to upwards of Rs. 5,500, will have to be paid in the 
course of the year, and a strong effort must be made to meet it without 
crippling the resources of the Society. As one means of doing so I 
would suggest the advisability of selling some of our oil-paintings. 
There are among them, I understand, a few of considerable value, 
one, for example, of a rural scene hy the younger Morland. Such 
a disposal of them, I venture to think, would be not only in the 
interests of the Society, but also of the pictures themselves, the proper 
preservation of which, in the Calcutta climate, is a matter of great 
difficulty. 

The other point concerns a duty which it gives me very great 
pleasure to discharge. It is to remind you of the valuable services of our 
officers given by them to the Society voluntarily and at the sacrifice of 
their private time and leisure. Mr. C. R. Wilson was our General 
Secretary till the middle of April, when he was succeeded first by 
Dr. A R. S. Anderson and afterwards by Dr. A. W. Alcock. Dr. 
Ranking acted as our Philological Secretary till June, when he left 
Calcutta on leave, and Dr. Bloch was appointed. Mahamahopadhyaya 
Hara Prasad Shastri carried on the duties of Joiut-Philological Secretary 
throughout the year ; so did Mr. F. Finn and Mr. L. de Niceville those 

38 



Annual Address. 3 

of Natural History Secretary and Anthropological Secretary respec- 
tively. Mr. C. Little continued our Treasurer for another year with 
conspicuous zeal. To all these gentlemen I desire to offer my warm 
acknowledgments for the help afforded me in presiding over the affairs 
of the Society, and I would also ask you to pass a cordial vote of thanks 
for their services to the Society during the past year. 

In thinking over what I should make the subject of my annual 
address to you, it has occurred to me that perhaps I might be able to 
say something that would interest you and at the same time not take up 
too much of your time, if I were to confine myself to those departments 
of research in which I have been to some extent a worker myself, and 
to review the period from 1883 up to this year. I have chosen this 
period, both because it is characterised by special progress in those 
departments, and because the preceding period of one hundred years 
was reviewed by me in 1883 in the Centenary Review. The departments 
I refer to are those of the History and Literature of Jainism and 
Buddhism, and of Indian Archaeology and Epigraphy. To these I will 
add some account of the recent Ethnographic and Linguistic Surveys, 
as well as of the History of Old Calcutta. 

Jainism and Buddhism. — A very great advance, during the 
period under review, has been made with respect to our knowledge of 
Jainism. Jainism is the great Indian rival of Buddhism, and is as 
ancient an institution as the latter, though until quite recent years its 
very existence before the middle ages was denied by the learned world, 
and even at the present time, by the side of the world-wide fame of 
its illustrious rival, it is hardly more than a name to the general public. 
It owes in the main its rehabilitation as one of the most ancient 
monastic organizations of India to the researches of Professor Jacobi, 
which were seconded by Hofrath Prof. Biihler, myself, and others. 1 
The results of these may be thus summarised. 

The founder of Jainism is commonly known by the title of 
IVlahavira, under which lie is usually referred to in the sacred books of 
the Jains. His personal name, however, was Vardhamana. In the 
books of the rival Order of the Buddhists, he is designated the 
"Nataputta, i.e., " the sou of the chief of the Nata clan of Ksatriyas." 
For like Buddha, Mahavlra was of high aristocratic descent, the son 

1 For detailed information see Prof. Jacobi's Translations of the Acariinga and 
Kalpa Sutras (1884), and the Uttaradhyayana find Sutrakrtanga Sutras (1895), Prof. 
Biihler' a Indian Sect of the Jains (1887), and my own Translation of the Upasakadnoa 
Sutra (1888) ; also Prof. Jacobi's Kalpa Sutra, published in 1879, and a paper of his 
on the Origin of the Qvetambara and Digdmbara Sects in the Journal of the German 
Oriental Society, Vol. XXXVIII, 1S84. 

39 



i Annual Address. 

Etiji or petty king. His father Siddhartha was the head of a 
Ksatriya clan, the so-called Xatas or Xayas, who were settled in the 
suf Mga of the once flourishing town of Vaicalf, whence it 

is occasionally designated the Vesaliya or "the man of 
. <;"ili is the modern Besarh, about 27 miles north of Patna. 
i of three distinct portions, called Vaicali, Kunda- 
i Vftniyagama, and forming, in the main, the quarters in- 
: rShman, Ksatriya and Baniya castes respectively. At 
has entirely disappeared, but the sites of its three 
-till marked by the villages of Besarh, Basukund 
Wliih- it existed, it had a curious political constitution; it 
wb- republic; ite ifovernment was vested in a Senate, corn- 

Is of the resident Ksatriya clans, and presided over 
hi ! the title of King and was assisted by a Viceroy 
imm*nder-io-Chief. Siddhartha was married to Tricala, who 
of Cetaka, the then governing King of the republic. 
i bar Mahuwra was born in or about 599 B. C, and he was, there- 
on. -cted personage. This accounts for the fact 
that, lik.- his rival Buddha, in the earlier years of his ministry, he 
ly to the members of the aristocracy and to his 
f ' -11 He married, and his wife Yacoda bore 

him Lnojja who was married to Jamali, a fellow nobleman 

in, one of his followers. He seems to have lived in the 
: his father died, and his elder brother Nandivardhana 
vhat principality they owned. Then at the age of thirty, 
nt ol the head of his house, entered the spiritual 
rhieh in [ndia, jusl bs in Kurope, offered a field for the ambition 
ms. In Kollaga, the Naya clan kept up a religious estab- 
■ >tleas similar to those still existing in the present day. 
Calcutta,in the tfaniktola suburb, which is pro- 
ily known to most of as. Bach establishments consist of a park or 
ten, enclosing a temple a.,. I rows of cells for the accommodation of 
• .i Btupa or sepulchral monument. The whole 
oomp unusually called a Caitya, though this is strictly only 

■brine within it. The Caitya of the Naya clan was 
' ; "" 1 Jt •»« kept up for the accommodation of the 
■ na'a order, to whom the Naya elan professed 

• on adopting the monk's vocation, would naturally retire 

■ ; "» join the Order of Parcvanatha. But the 

tbat order do no( seem to have satisfied his notions of 

"i,al points of which was absolute nudity. 



Annual Address. 5 

So after a trial of one year, he separated, and discarding his clothes, wan- 
dered about the country of North and South Bihar, even as far as modern 
Rajmahal. Considering his tenet of absolute nudity, it is no wonder 
that it took twelve years before he succeeded in gaining a following that 
acknowledged his divine mission. It was now that he obtained the title 
of Mahavira or ' Great Hero,' and was acknowledged to be a Jina and 
K§valin, i.e., a holy and omniscient person. It is his title of Jina or 
' Spiritual Conqueror,' from which the names Jainism and Jain, by which 
his system and his sect are now generally known, are derived ; and it is 
Mahavlra's initial connection with Parcvanatha's order which accounts for 
the fact that the latter saint is reckoned in the Jain hierarchy as the 
immediate predecessor of Mahavira, and that his image is set up in so many 
Jain temples. The famous sacred hill of Parcvanatha (or Paresnath, as 
it is commonly called) with its Jain temples also takes its name from him. 
The last thirty years of his life Mahavira passed in teaching his religious 
system and organising his order of ascetics, which was patronised chiefly 
by those princes with whom he was related through his mother, the 
kings of Videha, Magadha and Anga, i.e., those of North and South 
Bihar. In the towns aud villages which lay in these parts he spent 
almost the whole period of his ministry, though he extended his travels 
as far north as Cravasti, near the Nepalese frontier, and perhaps as far 
south as the Paresnath hill. The area of his ministry, therefore, prac- 
tically coincides with that of his great contemporary Buddha. His life 
on the whole, was an uneventful one. With Buddha, who, as we now 
see, was his most formidable rival, he does not appear to have come into 
any prominent conflict. The Jain sacred books hardly notice him. On 
the other hand, they tell us of a fierce hostility between Mahavira and 
another great spiritual chief of those days. This was Gosala, the son 
of a Mankhali or beggar, who had set up as the head of a section 
of the Ajivika order of monks, an order which at that time and 
for some subsequent centuries was so important as to be men- 
tioned in one of A95ka's pillar edicts about 234 B.C., but which has 
long since ceased to exist. This Gosala appears to have been the 
first who attached himself to Mahavira when the latter commenced 
his naked peregrinations. But after following Mahavira for six years, 
he quarelled with his master, and set up as a chief of ascetics himself, 
and that, two years earlier than Mahavira himself ventured to do. This 
conduct naturally enough explains the intense hostility of Mahavira, 
who resented the presumption of his former disciple in taking pre- 
cedence of his master. 8 Besides Gosala, the apostate, Mahaviz'a had 

2 I should mention that Prof. Jacobi holds a slightly different view of Gosala's 
position. According to him Gosala and Mahavira were two independent sect 

■11 



6 Annual Address. 

.leven chief disciples, who all remained true to him, and who are said 
to have, between them, instructed 4,200 pramanas or monks; but 
only one of them, named Sudharman, survived his master, and it is 
through him that Jainism has been continued to the present day. 
Mahavira died in the seventy-second year of his life, in the small 
PSwa, in the Patna district, which is still considered one of 

• ncred spots by the Jains. The traditional dates of his 
and death are 599 B.C. and 527 B.C. As modern research has shown 

they cannot be far wrong. The corresponding dates for Buddha, who 

lived to* I eighty, are 557 and 477 B.C. It is certain that the 

■ • . raries, and that Mahavira died some years before 

[ha. The former, like his great contemporary, must have been an 

eminently impressive personality. This accounts for his great success 

b founder. He certainly succeeded in eventually bringing over 

to his way of thinking the whole order of Parcvanatha, so that the 

name of Nir-ri smtha or "one without any ties," which originally 

I to that oidcr. attached itself to the order of Mahavira. The 

only essential point of difference between them was the question of 

a modicum of clothes. The followers of Parcvanatha appear to 

have 3 ielded that point for a time. The difference, however, being one 

l point of the merest decency, necessarily continued to subsist in a 

dormant Btate, kill a few centuries later it woke up again and, as we 

K )i:il I .see further on, led to the great division of the Jain order into the 

and Digambarasor the 'White-clothed' and 'Unclothed 

.' I be term Nirgrantha or Nigantha, indeed, was the name by 

which the Jains were originally known. They are mentioned under that 

name in the Bame pillar edict of Acoka, about 234 B. C, which, as I 

already remarked, also names the Ajivika monks ; and it remained 

their name for many centuries afterwards, for Hiuen Tsiang, in the 

• • : fcury AD . still knows tliem under no other name. How it 
all into disuse, and to give place to the comparatively modern 

oame Jain has not yet been explained, 

I will notice, in passing, the coincidence between Christ and 

Ifah&vira with respect I i the number twelve of their disciples which 

in eith.i- case includes an apostate. An interdependence of Clm's- 

iiinity and Jainism, I believe, has never been seriously propounded, 

done in the case of Buddhism with respect to similar 

Such coincidences are apt to be urged too far: and 

\ yean with the intention of combining tbeir 
"> Into onej bul t Ii.it ntlast they quarelled, probably on the 

I icr i.i' the uuitnl tK'ct; and tliua their bitter hostility 



Annual Address. 7 

the instance I have noted is an instructive one in that respect: isolated 
coincidences possess very little evidential force. 3 With regard to 
Buddhism and Jainism there are numerous coincidences in smaller 
details between the lives and doctrines of Buddha and Mahavlra; and 
this circumstance was long considered a good reason for discrediting 
the story of the latter and of the early existence of the Jain sect. But 
the sketch of Mahavira's life which I have given above shows that in 
the main it was entirely different from Buddha's. 

Before touching on the alleged doctrinal and ceremonial coincidences, 
it may be well to point out that neither Buddhism nor Jainism are 
religions in the strict sense of that word. They are rather monastic 
organizations. They are orders of begging fraternities, in many 
respects similar to the Dominicans and Franciscans among ourselves. 
Both were founded at the end of the sixtli and beginning of the fifth 
centuries B.C. That period was a very active one in Northern India 
with respect to religious matters. The times were rife with religious 
movements. Many monastic orders sprung up : Buddhism and Jainism 
were only two among them, though they were the most important and 
most enduring. A third contemporary order, that of the Ajivikas, 
which only enjoyed a transitory existence, has been already mentioned 
by me incidentally. It must not be thought, however, that the institu- 
tion of monasticism was any innovation on the existing religious condi- 
tions of the country. That institute formed an essential part of the 
original Brahmanism. The old Brahmanic religion ordained man's life 
to be spent in four consecutive stages, called Acramas. A man was to 
commence life as a religious student, then to proceed to be a householder, 
next to go into retirement as an anchorite, and finally to spend the 
declining years of his life as a wandering Sanyasin or mendicant. These 
Sanyasins or Brahmanic mendicants form the prototype of the great 
monastic orders that arose in the sixth century B.C., the only difference 
apparently being that the Brahmanic mendicants never formed them- 
selves into such large organisations as the Buddhists and Jains. The 
rules and observances which were prescribed for the former were either 
adopted or imitated by the latter. It is this circumstance which ex- 
plains most of the coincidences that have been noticed between the Bud- 
dhists and Jains : they followed the same model. Thus to mention but one 
striking example, the rule of ahimsd or 'respect for life ' which forms 
such a prominent feature in Buddhism and even more so in Jainism, 
is one which was binding on all Brahmanic mendicants. In course of 
time a tendency arose in Brahmanism to limit the entry into the stage 

8 For another curious coincidence, relating to the parable of the Thre o 
Merchants, see Jacobi's Translation of the Uttaradhyayana Sutra, p. 29. 

43 



8 Annual Address. 

of a mendicant to persons of the Brahman caste. It is probably this 

oircomstance which first led to the formation of non-brahmanic 

orders such as those of the Buddhists and Jains, which were 

chiefly and originally intended for persons of the second or 

. though eventually other caste-men were also admitted. 

v to understand that these non-brahmanic orders would 

not be looked upon by the Sanyasins as quite their equals, even 

whenthej irere qnite as orthodox as themselves, and on the other hand 

t s , : i r this treatment by the Brahmanio ascetics would beget in their 

rivals :t tendency to dissent and even to opposition. Thus the 

Bnddbists and Jains were not only led to discard the performance of 

religions ceremonies which was also done by the Brahmanic mendicants,- 

but to go farther and even discontinue the reading of the Vedas. It was 

this latter practice which really forced them outside the pale of Brah- 

i. The still very prevalent notion that Buddhism and Jainism 

matory movements, and that, more especially, they represented a 

revolt againsi the tyranny of caste, is quite erroneous. They were only 

a protest Bgainst the caste exclusiveness of the Brahmanic ascetics; but 

caste as inch, and as existing outside their orders, was fully acknowledged 

bf them. liven inside their orders, admission, though professedly 

open to. ill, was practically limited to the higher castes. It is also 

significant for the attitude of these orders to the Brahmanic institutions 

of the country, that though in spiritual matters their so-called lay- 

sdherents were bound to their guidance, yet with regard to ceremonies, 

■nob as those of birth, marriage and death, they had to look for service 

to their old Brahmanio priests. The Buddhist or Jain monk functionated 

as the spiritual director to their respective lay communities, but the 

Brahmani were their prii 

It will thus he seen that the points of resemblance, undoubtedly 
existing betw< en the orders of the Buddhists and Jains, are the natural 
result of the surrounding conditions under which they both arose and 
lived. Their points of difference are numerous, both in regard to doctrine 
and practice. They are SO many, and often so minute and technical, 
would be difficult for me to render them intelligible within a small 
oompass; nor would such an exposition be of any general interest. 
whom it may interest, will bud the subject fully and ably discuss- 
ed by Professor Jaoobi in the Introductions to his Translations (see 
. •: p. 8). I may mention, however, two points which I believe 
.■n elsewhere noticed, but which, to my mind, very clearly 
bring ..at the extreme difference in the character and practice of the 
!i i '-■ '' here i- a celebrated term common to both the Buddhists 
the term ta-iainu or M the three jewels." With the former 



Annual Address. 9 

these are Buddha, the Law and the Order; but with the latter they are 
Right faith, Right cognition, and Right conduct. These mottoes, as 
we might call them, of the two orders are significant. That of the 
Buddhists refers to concrete, that of the Jains to abstract things. The 
former shows that Buddhism was animated by a practical and active 
spirit, while the latter shows Jainism to have been speculative and unin- 
terprising. The history of the two orders proves this inference. While 
Buddhism, with its active missionary spirit, spread far and wide beyond 
the borders of India, and outgrowing the narrow bounds of a mere 
monastic order developed into popular religions in Ceylon, Burma, Tibet 
and other lands, Jainism always lived a quiet, unobtrusive life within 
the borders of India, travelling but little, if at all, beyond them. Again, 
the term applied collectively to the order both hy the Buddhists 
and Jains was sarjgha or " the Order." But the Jains qualified it 
by the addition of the further term caturvidha or " four-fold." 
"With them the monastic order included four classes of persons: 
monks, nuns, lay-brothers and lay-sisters. With the Buddhists the 
order included only two classes : monks and nuns ; their lay-adherents 
stood in no essential or organic connection with them. It is obvious 
that no order of mendicant monks could possibly maintain its existence 
without some sort of relation to the surrounding secular community. 
It must of necessity depend for its sustenance and support on those 
within that community who, out of reverence for the Order, supported it 
with their alms. But the two orders observed a very different policy 
towards their respective lay-adherents. With the Buddhists they had 
no part and parcel in the monastic organization. They were not 
formally admitted into communion with the order, they had not 
to take any vows, there were no rules to regulate their position 
or conduct, no regular devotional services were held for them, 
neither was there any formal exclusion of any unworthy lay-person ; 
in fact, the position of the lay-adherents was so loose and informal 
that a lay-adherent of the Buddhistic order might at the same 
time be also an adherent of another order ; there were no rules prohibit- 
ing such an anomalous position. The proud feeling of being a member 
of Buddha's great order and partaking of its spiritual benefits was not 
permitted to the Buddhist lay-adherent. Very different was the case 
of the Jain lay-adherent. His position was exactly the reverse in all 
the points just enumerated. He formed an integral part of the organi- 
sation, and thus was made to feel that his interests were bound up 
with those of his order. In this matter Buddhism made a fatal 
mistake ; for their treatment of their lay-adherents was one of the 
main causes of the eventual total disappearance of their order from 

45 



jq Annual Address. 

li..!i:i. the land of their home. When in the course of time, in con- 
sequence of the change of religious tendencies which already began to 
•,. in the seventh century A.D., at the time of the celebrated 
Chinese Buddhist pilgrim, Hiuen Tsiang, the recruitment of their 
declined; and when, later on, the pressure of the spiritual 
, p„ eition of the great Brahmanic orders, founded in the ninth century 
AD. l.\ Cankarac'arya and his disciples, increased ; and when finally, in 
the twelfth and thirteenth centuries A. D., the storm of the iconoclastic 
afuhammadan oonqnest swept over India, and, as related in the histories 
!i ami Minhaju-d-din, inflicted wholesale massacre on the 
till surviving monastic settlements, Buddliism simply collapsed ; 
rly disappeared. Having maintained no inseparable bond with 
the broad strata of the secular life of the people, it had no chance of 
bment, it could neither maintain, nor recover itself. The lay-fol- 
- of Buddhism, having lost their monks to whom no paramount 
i bound them, by a most natural process relapsed intoBrahmanisrn, 
iti which they again found, as they had done before the advent of Bud- 
dliism, not only their priests, but also their spiritual directors. Some 
small portions only of the former Buddhist laity, here and there, especial- 
lv in Bengal, preferred to keep aloof, maintaining a caricatured form of 
Buddliism without Buddlia and his Order, in which it is only with great 
difficulty that one can recognize the distorted traces of the once flourish- 
item of Buddha. The discovery of these caricatured survivals of 
Buddhism in Bengal is mainly due to the researches of our Joint-Philo- 
logical Secretary, Pandit Hara Prasad Sbastri, who has unearthed them 
n the followers of Dharma, one of the well-known units of 
the Buddhist Trinity, and published an account of them in the Journal 
<.f our Society for 1895. From them Dharmtolla Street takes its 
and their Dharma temple still stands in the modern Jaun Bazar 

Very different was the fate of Jainism which securely lived through 

■ niiy times that shattered Buddhism. It has maintained itself 

quietly and unobtrusively to the present day; and its prospering 

settlements and lay-communities, are still to be found in 

- mthera India and Bengal; one of them we have close 

own doors, in the Maniktola suburb of this city. Jainism, indeed, 

i> the only ono of the almost primeval monastic orders of India which 

has survived down to the present day. But the history of an order of 

such a retiring character can necessarily offer but few points of 

There fa really only one event in it which in its 

If on the notice of the outside world. This is the 

■ i, which has been already alluded to, into the two divisions 



Annual Address. 11 

of the Cvetatnbaras and Digambaras, the ' White-clotlicd ' and the 
• Unclothed ' monks. The division took place, as indicated by the 
name, on the question of wearing clothes, though there are also other 
differences both in point of doctrine and practice, which, however, are 
of no general interest. The two divisions maintain an entirely separate 
and even antagonistic existence ; they possess also almost entirely distinct 
litei'atures, and the most ancient class of sacred books, the so-called 
Angas and Purvas, have been preserved only in the Cvetambara 
division. Moreover both divisions are now divided into an extensive 
ramification of schools and lines of teachers, which gradually grew up 
in the course of centuries. The historical, or rather chronicling, spirit 
is as strongly developed in the Jains as it is in the Buddhists. They 
keep up regular Pattavalis or lists of the succession of teachers, several 
of which have been published by H of rath Prof. Buhler, Dr. Klatt and 
myself in the Indian Antiquary and the Epigraphia Indica; and their 
sacred and other books are throughout interspersed with an abundance of 
chronicling notices, which have been extracted and recorded, in addition to 
the scholars already mentioned, by Professors Weber and Bhandarkar.* 
From all these materials the Jain tradition regarding their Order and 
their Sacred Books may be gathered. In its main features it is as 
follows. 

In the second century after Mahavira's death (about 310 B.C.) a 
very severe famine, lasting twelve years, took place in the country of 
Magadha, the modern Bihar, beyond which, as yet, the Jain order does not 
seem to have spread. At that time Candra Gupta, of the Maurya dy- 
nasty, was king of the country, and Bhadrabahu was the head of the 
still undivided Jain community. Under the pressure of the famine, 
Bhadrabahu with a portion of his people emigrated into the Karnata 
(or Canarese) country in the south of India. Over the other portion 
that remained in Magadha, Sthiilabhadra assumed the headship. 
Towards the end of the famine, during the absence of Bhadrabahu, 
a Council assembled at Pataliputra, the modern Patna; and this Council 
collected the Jain sacred books, consisting of the eleven Angas and 
the fourteen Piirvas, which latter are collectively called the twelfth Anga. 
The troubles that arose during the period of famine produced also a 
change in the practice ol the Jains. The rule regarding the dress of the 
monks had been, that they should ordinarily go altogether naked, though 
the wearing of certain oJothes appears to have been allowed to the weaker 
members of the order. Those monks that remained belaud felt con- 

* See Prof. Weber's Catalogue of the Jain Manuscripts in Berlin, 1888 and 1892 ; 
also Prof. Bhandarkar's Report on the Search for Sanskrit MSS., 1883-84. For a 
fuller list, see Prof. Jacobi'a Introduction to his Translation of J.rina. Sutras, Part II. 

-IV 



to Annual Address. 

grained hv tl„ exigencies of the time to abandon the rule of nakedness, 
:m ,| to adopt the " white" dress. On the other Land, those who out 
() f religion* seal chose to exile themselves rather than admit a change 

• ale of nakedness, made that rule compulsory on all the members 
of their portion of the order. When on the restitution of peace and 

Ues returned to their country, the divergence of practice, 

which had in the meantime fully established itself between the two 

.. made itself too markedly felt to be overlooked. The returned 

-,<1 to hold fellowship any longer with the (in their opinion) 

• portion that had remained at home. Thus the foundation was laid 
of the division between the two sections of the Digambaras or naked 

: white-clothed ones. As a consequence of this 
nee. the Digambaras refused to acknowledge the collection of 
Sacred Boo by the Council of Pataliputra ; and they, therefore, 

declare that, for them, the Purvas and Arjgas are lost. The difference, 
however, did not at once result in a definite schism : to this it does not 
appear to have come till a few centuries later, when the final separation 
t.x.k place iu the year 79 or 82 A. D. On this point both sections are 
i illy unanimous, their dates only differing by three years. At 

this time the Jain order had already spread far beyond the borders of its 
narrow home in Bihar, and ramified into numerous schools and subdivi- 
someof which (as we shall presently see) possessed already flourish- 
. nt.-, in Mathura. It would seem that this spirit of expansion 
>ed in the order principally in the time of Suhastin, who was the 
i < gtambara section towards the end of the third century 

B it is just under him that the Pattavalis record an extraordi- 

narily large number of divisions and subdivisions. It is certain that 
about the middle of the second century B.C. the Jain order had 
spread M far ai the Southern part of Orissa ; for the Jains are re- 
in Kharavela's inscription on the Khandagiri rock, near 
I ick. 

In the course of time the collection of sacred books, or Siddhanta 

a-, it i-> called b) the Jains, which the Council of Pataliputra had estab- 

fell more or less into disorder. It even was iu danger of becom- 

tinct, owing to the scarcity of manuscripts. It became, therefore, 

luce it to order, and to fix it in an authorised edition of 

manuscript "books." This was done at a Council held in Vallabhi in 

Gujarat, under the presidency ol Devarddlii, the head of one of the 

principal 

It is clear from this tradition thai the collection of the Jain sacred 

' ambara Bection of the community, goes 

to the end of the fourth or the beginning of the third century 



Annual Address. 13 

before the Christian era; for the Council of Pataliputra which made the 
collection must have taken place about 300 B.C. The very process of 
a collection points to the fact of a previous existence ; and the tradition 
of the Jains maintains that the Purvas, one of the two main divisions of 
the collection, were taught by Mahavira himself to his immediate 
disciples, the so-called Ganadharas, and the latter composed the Arjeas, 
the other main division. The name Purva means an ' earlier ' composi- 
tion ; and the Purvas were evidently called so because they existed 
prior to the Arjgas. At the time of the Council of Pataliputra a large 
portion of them, as the Jains themselves admit, liad been already lost ; 
and what still remained was then embodied in a twelfth Aijga. The 
Jain ti-aditions about these Purvas clearly point to the fact that there 
was once an original set of sacred books, the remains of which were, 
by the Pataliputra Council, re-cast and collected in a new form, better 
adapted to the changed circumstances of the time. 

Such is the tradition of the Jaina order with respect to its histoiy 
and its sacred books. Until some thirty years ago, the prevalent 
disposition was to treat this tradition with great distrust. The pre- 
sence of the strongly developed and curiously exact chronicling spirit, 
however, which I have already remarked on, as manifest throughout 
most of the literature of the Jains, lends but little support to that 
attitude ; and his fact has been increasingly realised through the more 
intimate acquaintance with Jain literature which has been gained, 
during the period under review, through the publication of Jain 
books made bv Professors Jacobi, Leumann, myself and others. 
Professor Jacobi, by a careful examination of the language and style of 
the Jain sacred books, which showed their very archaic character, 
contributed not a little to this result. Still so long as no independent 
and incontrovertible evidence could be brought forward in corroboration 
of the statements of the Jain tradition, no full conviction of the general 
reliability of it could be hoped for. The discovery of such independent 
corroborative evidence is the most striking feature of the period I am 
reviewing and is entirely due to the acumen of H of rath Prof. Biihler 
of Vienna. 5 On making a re-examination of certain inscriptions, found 
in 1871 by the late Major-General Sir A. Cunningham in the ruins of the 
Kankhali mound in Mathura, 6 Hofrath Biihler discovered among them 
some which made mention of several teachers and subdivisions of the 
Jains. Accordingly he arranged with Dr. J. Burgess, who was at that 

5 His researches on this subject are contained in a series of papers published 
in the volumes of the Vienna Oriental Journal for 1887 to 1891 and 1896, and in 
the Transactions of the Imperial Academy of Sciences in Vienna for 1897. 

6 See his Survey Reports, Vol. II. 

49 



] i Annual Address. 

time at the head of the Archaeological Department, to make a thorough 
excavation of that mound. The work of excavation was carried out, 
under the superintendence of Dr. Fiihrer, during the working 
; 39 to 1893, and again in 1896. An abundant yield of fresh 
- rained, impressions of all of which were sent to Hof- 
Biihler. By him they were carefully examined, and a selection of 
the most vain,).!- published, with facsimiles, in the Vienna Oriental 
-II as in the two first volumes of the Epigraphia Indica. 
What makes these inscriptions particularly valuable is the fact that 
many of them are dated in years of the Iudo-Scythian era, that is, the 
which waa used by the ludo-Scythian kings Kanishka, Huvishka 
Vasudgva. These kings flourished in the two first centuries of the 
. and their empire included Xorth-Western India, as far 
down as Mat hm a. The dates of the inscriptions range from the 5th to 
■ eai of that era, and are, according to the usually aceepted interpre- 
ts equivalent to A.I). 8&-176. Accordingly they prove the existence 
uf the Jain order in Mathura at an as early a date as the first and second 
tries of our era. Most of these inscriptions were found engraved 
on the pedestals of Jain statues, and recorded the dedication of these 
me .Iain temple by Jain laymen or laywomen under the 
direction of some Jain monkornun, whose spiritual pedigree is carefully 
These dedications furnish corroborative evidence on many 
points of great interest. 

In the first place, the divisions and subdivisions of the order 
which the directing monk or nun are recorded to have belonged, 
strikingly agree with those the existence of which in the first and second 
centuries of OUT era are also recorded in the Kalpasutra and other books of 
the Jains. One of the Ganas or divisions which is most frequently men- 
tion. I i- the Kautika, which was founded by Susthita, who was at 
head of the order in the first half of the second century B.C. 
Moreover this division belonged to the Cvetambara section of the 
Jam- Thus we have here not only indirect evidence of the exis- 
tence of the pv&tamjbara Jains in the middle of the second century 
Christ, but also direct evidence of the spread of the Kauti- 
ka division, in the first and second centuries A. D., as far as Mathura, 
where, to judge from the frequent mention of their name in the inscrip- 
tion-, they had a numerous and prosperous settlement. At that period 
Jain settlement in Bulandshahar, for the inscriptions 
. mention monks of a subdivision called after Uccanagara, or Varana, 
. of which anciently were names of that town. 
In the second place, the inscriptions prove the existence of Jain 
u<" part of the order; and they also show that these 



Annual Address. 16 

nuns were very active in the interest of their faith, especially among the 
female members of the lay community, since in all cases, except one, lay- 
women dedicated images at the request of nuns. This fully agrees with 
the statements of the Jain scriptures. Moreover it affords an addi- 
tional proof of the very early split of the order into the two sections 
of the (^vetambaras and Digambaras. For the latter do not admit nuns 
into the order ; only the £vetambaras do so. The inscriptions, therefore, 
prove that the Mathura settlement was one of the fvetambara section, 
and that the split of the order was already fully established in the 
first century of our era. 

Another point clearly brought out by the inscriptions is the posi- 
tion of the lay element in the Jain community. I have already re- 
marked that that element formed an integral part of the Jain 
organization, and shown the very important bearing of this point on the 
fortunes of the Jain order. The inscriptions apply to the laymen and 
lay wo men the terms fravaka and fravika respectively, — terms which 
have survived to the present day in the form of Saraogi by which the Jain 
laity are often known. Amon? the Buddhists the term f ravaka is also 
used, but there it signifies an Arkat, that is a monk of a particular degree 
of sanctity. This circumstance not only marks the position of the lav 
element within the Jain order, but also brings out clearly an essential 
difference between the two great orders of Jains and Buddhists. 

Again another point worthy of notice is that the inscriptions often 
mention the caste of Jain lay-people. I have already remarked how 
erroneous the idea is that Jainism or Buddhism intended to subvert the 
caste system. A lay convert to Jainism does not loose his caste by his 
conversion. He may have to give up the exercise of the trade of his 
caste, but if he wants a wife for himself or his son, or a husband for 
his daughter, he can only get them from his old caste. Thus one 
inscription records a donation by a layman of the lohar or smith's caste. 
He cannot have been a smith after his conversion, because Jainism 
forbids that trade to a layman. The reference, therefore, must be to 
the caste to which he or his ancestors belonged. It appears, however, 
from the inscriptions that even then, as in our days, most of the lay 
people belonged to the mercantile rather than the artificing classes. 

I might mention many more points of detail in which the inscrip- 
tions discovered in Mathura corroborate the statements of the Jain 
books ; but I must refer those who may be interested in the subject, for 
further information to the papers themselves of Hofrath Prof Biihler. 
There is one point, however, which I must not pass over. There is 
hardly another thing which has hitherto been considered a more charac- 
teristic external mark of Buddliism than the well-known Wheel and Stupa 

51 



jq Annual Address. 

and their accessories. The late Pandit, Bhagwanlal Indraji was the first 
to point out in 1883, in a paper on the Hathigumpha inscription, read 
before the Sixth international Congress of Orientalists at Leyden, that 
the Jains worshipped stupas. But Hofrath Prof. Biihler's investigations 
have now fully proved that the hitherto accepted opinion about the Wheel 
and Stupa must henceforth be relegated to the limbo of popular errors. 
The remnants of a Jain stupa have been discovered at Mathura. Indeed 
under the influence of the old error, it was at first thought that it must 
be Buddhist; but when ruins of two Jain temples were found in the 
at proximity and all the other nnmerous evidences of Jainism, such 
M inscriptions and images of Jain saints, came to light, the true 
character of the stupa as a Jain monument could no longer be doubted. 
This discovery has been confirmed by the discovery of sculptured slabs, 
on which Jain stupas with all their accessories are fully represented, 
. lv resembling those hitherto known to us as Buddhist. Hofrath 
Prof. Biihler has even gone further and shown that the building and 
Bhipping of stupas was an ancient practice common not only to the 
Buddhists and Jains, bnt also to other and even orthodox Brahmanic 
orders of ascetics. One of the most curious discoveries is an inscribed 
and sculptured slab, which formed the pedestal of a Jain statue. It shows 
the representation of a Wheel mounted on a trident, exactly in the same 
w;iv as seen on Buddhist monuments, and proves that the celebrated 
Wlni 1 is do( a distinctive mark of the Buddhists. The inscription 
states thai the statue was put up by a Jain lay-woman under the advice 
of her spiritual director, and the portrait-figures of these are sculp- 
tured on the slab in the act of worshipping the sacred symbol. The 
inscription further states that the statue was put up in a year probably 
esponding to 157 A. I)., at a votive stupa which was built by the 
. That phrase "built by the Gods " shows that the stupa must 
have been an extremely ancient one, since in the second century A.D. its 
i ■ al origin had already been forgotten, and a myth did duty for historical 
truth. The conclusion is inevitable that the stupa must have been 
reral centuries earlier, and this is confirmed by a tradition 
which Hofrath l'rof. Biihler has discovered in one of the Jain books. 7 
ording to that tradition, the stupa was still in existence in the 
middle of the ninth century A.D., when it underwent repairs, and was 
encased in stone. Originally it is said to have been built of bricks, and 
to have enshrined a gold casket dedicated to Parcvanatha. This gold 
... t had been brought, as ii is said, by the gods to Mathura, and was 
for a long time kept exposed to view for the worship of the Jains; 

1 Jiaaprabha'l Tu-thakalpa; see tho Transactions of the Vienna Academy of 
i Vol XXX VII. 



Annual Address. 17 

but afterwards, when one of the ancient kings of Mathura attempted 
to appropriate it, a brick stupa was built over it. This probably refers 
to the second century before Christ, when the Jains settled in Mathura 
and when they may have brought the casket with them from Bihar : 
the king might be the Indo- Scythian Kanishka, who reigned about the 
commencement of our era. 

While thus the period under review has been one of fundamental 
importance for our knowledge of the history of Jainism and its founder, 
it has not been altogether unfruitful with respect to the great rival 
organisation of Buddhism. The history, indeed, of that order and of its 
founder has long been well known, yet, curiously enough, until quite 
recently, none of the localities connected with the most important events 
in Buddha's personal history, such as his birth and death, had been iden- 
tified. There was certainly one good reason for this curious circumstance ; 
for, as it now turns out, those localities are outside our borders, within the 
territory of Nepal, and therefore have been precluded from the search 
operations of our archaeological surveys. 

With the discoveries in this respect the name of one of the mem- 
bers of our Society, Dr. L. A. Waddell, the learned author of Buddhism 
in Tibet, is prominently connected. The zeal with which he has 
devoted a portion of his holidays and the opportunities afforded by 
official tours to the search for long lost Buddhist localities cannot be 
too highly praised. In 1891 he succeeded, on one of his tours, to dis- 
cover near the village of Uren, in the district of Mungir, the site of 
the celebrated Hermitage of Buddha, where that saint is reported by 
Hiuen Tsiang to have rested for a season during the rains. The full 
details of this identification have been published by Dr. Waddell in our 
Journal. 8 Subsequent researches enabled him to discover in the 
neighbourhood of Patna City what appears to be conclusive evidence of 
the exact position of the great emperor Acoka's famous capital of 
Pataliputra. 9 The evidence thus furnished, in 1892, is at present being 
followed up, so far as financial considerations permit, by the Government 
of Bengal. 

The most important discovery, however, to which his studies of old 
Buddhist history have led, is that of Buddha's birth-place in the neigh- 
bourhood of a small village called Nigllva. This is situated, just beyond 
the British frontiers, within the Nepalese Terai, about 20 miles north 
of the Chillia Police Station in the Basti District. Rumours of the 
existence near that place of one or more inscribed pillars had been cur- 

8 See Volume LXI, for 1892. 

9 Published in hia pamphlet on the Discovery of the Exact Site of Atoka's 
Classical Capital of Pataliputra ; 1892. 

53 



lg Animal Address. 

rent for many years. Mr. V. A. Smith had heard of one " a dozen years 
.." But they took more definite shape in the spring of 1893 when a 
-•• Officer, Major Jashkaran Sinyh of Balrampur, saw and 
reported an Ac-oka pillar in the Terai. Through the information thus 
farnished Dr. Fiihrer was enabled in March 1895 to visit the spot, and 
to find there, on the banks of the Nigali Sagar, a pillar, with an edict 
of king Ac<~.ka inscribed on it. This edict, when deciphered in April 
]-•:, bt Bofrath Prof. Biihler, 10 proved that the ruins of a stupa close 
by were those of the funeral monument of the mythical Buddha Kona- 
(raniKMii. Dr. Fiihrer also noticed in the neighbourhood "vast ruins" which 
chiii Iv pointed to the existence thereof a large inhabited place in ancient 
days. A report of these discoveries was published by him in July 1895. 
Assn.m M Dr. Waddell. who had for some time made Hiuen Tsiang's 
MOOUllf of Bnddlia's birth-place a special study, read the newly-found edict, 
he at once saw the clue which it supplied towards fixing the site of 
th.it place in the neighbourhood of the Konagamana stupa and 
it- pillar. He published his discovery in June 1896, 11 pointing 
out that, in accordance with the indication given by Hiuen Tsiang, 
Kapilavastu, the birth-place of Buddha, must be within a few 
Bailee distance of Nigliva. Thereupon the Government of India was 
moved, both by Dr. Waddell and Dr. Fiihrer, to obtain the permission 
of the Nepalese Darbar to explore the site thus indicated, in order to 
verify its being that of Kapilavastu. That permission having beeu 
secured, and Dr. WaddeU's services not being available, Dr. Fiihrer 
deputed to cany out the desired verification. In November 1896 
be proceeded to Nigliva, and finding that the Nepalese Government were 
MM prepared to undertake excavations, he went on, south-eastward, to 
Bbagwanpar, where he had been told, in the previous year, of the exist- 
ence of another inscribed pillar. He there found the looked-for pillar 
OB the Kt December 1896, and upon it an inscription which identified 
;>ot upon which it stood as the celebrated Garden of Lumbini in 
wind, Buddha is said to have been born. Starting from this spot as a 
fixed point, Dr. Fiihrer next discovered the ruins of Kapilavastu, at a 
distance of twelve miles north-west of it, and five miles west of Nigliva. 
Thil ptaOM K:ipilavastu practically at the point indicated for it by Dr. 
WaddelL 11 It still remains to explore the site of that celebrated town, and 
to OSoaTmte its more prominent ruins. This is a task which, as I learn 
Dr. Fiihrer, is at present in progress under his superintendence. 

W So«» kite Academy, for 27th April 1895. 
U In the Englishman of the 1st Jane 1896. 

- further pnrticulars see Dr. Fiihrer's Annual Progress Reports for 1893-97 ; 
ftUo J ^ Asiatic Society, for 1897, pp. 429, 015 644 

M 



Annual Address. 19 

With the discovery of Kapilavastu, it will now be possible also to 
identify definitely Kusinagara, the place where Buddha died. It is pro- 
bable that it will be found to the eastward, either just within or just 
without the frontier-line dividing British and Nepalese territory. 
To discover this celebrated spot must be the next object of archaeolo- 
gical research. 

Archaeology and Epigraphy. — I will now proceed to give yoa 
some account of our progress in Indian archaeology and epigraphy. 

The earliest specimen of Indian writing known to us is that which 
is found in the celebrated Acoka inscriptions. Acoka reigued in the 
latter half of the third century B.C. His capital was at Pataliputra, the 
modern Patna, but he ruled over an empire which probably had the 
widest extension ever attained by any under a native Indian ruler. 
This is shown by the wide distribution of the edicts which he caused 
to be engraved on rocks and pillars throughout his dominions, and in 
which he promulgated his regulations for ordering the moral and reli- 
gious welfare of his subjects. These edicts have been found as far 
east as Dhauli in Orissa, as far west as Shahbazgarlri beyond the 
Indus, and as far south as Siddapur in Mysore. The northern ex- 
tension of Acoka's empire is shown by the recent discovery (in 1895) 
of a pillar inscription of his in Nigliva, within the Nepalese frontiers. 
The Mysore edicts, too, ;ire a recent discovery, having been fouud by 
Mr. Lewis Rice in 1892 near the village of Siddapur, in the Chitaldrug 
district in the Mysore State. One of these Acoka edicts forms a con- 
nected series of fourteen paragraphs. It occurs in a nearly identical 
version engraved on large rocks or boulders at six different places, among 
them at Gitnar in Junagarh, at Mansehra near Abbotfabad, and at 
iShahbaziiarhl. At these three places, the three last paragraphs of the 
edict had long been missing ; but quite recently, they have been recovered, 
either wholly or in part. One was discovex*ed by Major H. A. Deane, 
in 1887, another by a subordinate officer of the Archaeological Depart- 
ment in 1889, and the third by Rae Bahadur Gopalji S. Desai in 1893.' 3 
Until recently it had been customary to call the script used in 
these inscriptions the " Acoka characters," because for a long time 
they had not been observed to occur in any inscriptions but those of 
Acoka. Gradually, however, other inscriptions came to light, exhibit- 
ing the same characters. They were observed, e.g., on very early coins 
of Greeco-Indiau and other dynasties ; and they also appear on the seulp- 
tui-es of the Barhaut stupa which may be seen in one of the galleries 

IS Published by Hofrath Prof. Bidder in the Epiyraphia Indira, Vol. I, p. 16, in 
the] Vienna Oriental Journal, Vol. VI 11, p. 318, and in the Journal of the German 
Oriental Society, Vol. XL! V, p. 7U2. 

55 



2Q Annual Address. 

of the Indian Museum. Since then they have been found, for example, 
in an inscription of the Pabhosa cave which was discovered in 
1887 by Mr. J. Cockburn of the Opium Department,'* in another found 
in the same year by the late Kaviraj Syamal Das near Nagari 
in Mewar, and in the curious copper-plate, discovered by Dr. Hoey 
in L894 at Sobgauri in the Gorakhpur District" The name " Acoka 
character" was, therefore, found very misleading and inconvenient. 
Hence, seeing that Acoka belonged to the Maurya dynasty, the 
term "Maurya characters" or "Maurya script" has now generally 
been adopted. This Maurya script is the lineal ancestor of the modern 
\ rthern Indian scripts, notably of the best known among them, 
the Nagari or Devauagari. There are few things so interesting 
in archeology as the history, with all its concomitant details, of the 
evolution of the modern scripts of Northern India. But unfortunately, 
till recently, the absence of a good text-book on the subject was felt 
to be a great hindrance. A very creditable attempt to supply this 
want was made by a native scholar Gaurishankar Hirachand Ojha of 
Odaipur in his Palaeography of India, published in 1894. But still more 
was required, and this has now been supplied by Hofrath Prof. G. Biihler 
of Vienna, who is facile prince ps in all matters appertaining to Indian 
epignfmy and palaeography. His excellent and exhaustive Indian 
Paleeography was published in 1897, and forms a portion of the 
ESncyolopsadia of Indo-Aryan Research, which is being brought out under 
In- general editorship, and which will present a summary of everything 
that modern research has established in the domains of Indian philology 
ami archaeology. The name Brahuri has been adopted by him as a 
general term for all the Northern Indian types of alphabet. A cursory 
survey of these types will show that their evolution has produced a very 
marked change in the form of the letters about the middle of the fourth 
century A.I). The oldest type of the preceding period is represented 
hv the Maurya Bcript of the time of Acoka. The oldest type of the 
I greal period— that type with which this period commences — is 
what is known as the "Gupta characters." This script is called so 
because it is used by the kings of the Gupta dynasty who reigned in the 
fourth and fifth centuries A.D., first in Pataliputra or Patna and after- 
wards either in rldcimbi or in Ayodhya, 16 and whose empire was 

i* PnbUahed by Mr. Coclcborn En our Journal, Vol. LVf, p. 31, by myself in the 
Bang., for 1887, p. 103 and by Dr. Fiihrer in the Epigraphia 
. Vol. II. I > - LML'. 

It Published by l>r Hoey, Mr. Smith, and myself in onr Proceedings for 1894, 

i. 'I by ll'.fr.iili Prof. Bufaler i» the Vienna Oriental Journal, Vol. X. p. 138. 
H Set Mi. V. A. Smith, in Journal, Qoyal Asiatic Society, for 1897. p, 910. 



Annual Address. 21 

for a time almost as extensive as that of Acoka. The second period 
may be reckoned to have extended to the end of the twelfth century 
AD. From that time the Northern Indian alphabets as they now 
exist have practically become established. The earlier period, also, 
seems to me to divide itself similarly into two sub-periods about the 
commencement of the Christian era. The later sub-period is charac- 
terised by the " Indo-Scythian characters," used under the kings of the 
Indo-Scythian dynasty, in the first and second centuries A.D. Their 
empire was in North-Western India and reached as far as Mathura, 
where the numerous Jain inscriptions written in the Indo-Scythian 
script, referred to in the preceding part of my address, have been found. 
In this connection I may note a remarkable discovery, made by Dr. 
W. Hoey in 1896 in Gopalpur in the GSrakhpur District. 17 It is that 
of a few bricks of large size (10J by 4J inches) inscribed with portions 
of certain Buddhist sacred books. They were dug out from an under- 
ground chamber, and the circumstance of some Indo-Scythian copper coins 
having been found with them shows that their deposition must be referred 
to the third century A. D. This is confirmed by the character of the 
writing which is transitional between the Indo-Scythian and Gupta scripts. 
With the exception of the legends of the Gupta coins, inscriptions dating 
from the period between 250 and 400 A.D. were almost altogether lacking. 
The discovery, therefore, of these bricks now helps to fill up a con- 
siderable gap in Indian epigraphy. Moreover it is startling to find 
the Indian Buddhists using bricks, as the Assyrians did, to preserve 
long documents. Speaking of Gupta coins I may mention that we now 
possess an excellent and exhaustive monograph on the subject, published 
in 1889 and 1892 by Mr. V. A. Smith in the Journal of the Royal 
Asiatic Society. 18 Some of the gold coins and medals, issued by the 
kings of the Gupta dynasty, are among the finest known in Indian Numis- 
matics. With regard to this dynasty a very important discovery was 
made in 1888 at Bhitari in the Ghazipur district. This was a large 
seal of copper and silver, the legend on which in 1889 I succeeded in 
deciphering, 19 and which proved that the dynasty consisted of nine 
members instead of the seven hitherto known. The two new members 
are Pura Gupta and Kumara Gupta II. The history of two earlier 
members, Samudra Gupta and Candra Gupta, has been examined in 
detail in three very interesting papers published by Mr. V. A. Smith in 

n Published by Mr. V. A. Smith in oar Proceedings for 1896, p. 99. 

18 Also in our own Journal, Vol. LIU, for 1884 ; see also his papers on " Numia. 
mafcic Novelties " in oar Journal, Vols. LXV and LXVI. 

*• Published in a joint-paper by Mr. V. A. Smith and myself in our Journal, 
Vol. LVIII, for 1889. 

57 



Anuval Address. 

■ J ourn al of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1S97.* AH inscriptions in 
the Gnpta character, known up to the year 1888, have been collected by 
Dr J. F Fleet and published by him, with facsimiles, in the third 
volume of the Corpus Insert ptionum Indicarum, in the introduction to 
which he has also finally settled the hitherto much disputed epoch of the 

rated Gupta era to be the year 319-20 A.I). 21 

For long the prevalent opinion has been that the introduction of 
the art of writing into India took place in the third century B.C., during 
,;,,. ,„],. f the Maurya dynasty. This opinion was based on the fact 
thai the earliest specimens of writing, though incised in places as widely 
apart as Orissa and Gujarat, appeared on the first view to show no local 
varieties in the shape of their letters. More accurately made facsimiles 
and a more thorough and minute examination of these facsimiles, such as 
Hofrath Prof. Biihler and Mr. E. Senart have latterly made and published 
in the Journals of the German and French Asiatic Societies, have now 
brought to li'_ r ht the fact that smaller local varieties are by no means 
abaent. The most striking evidence, however, of the existence of a 
well-marked local variety has been afforded by the inscriptions on the 
11 lie-casket, found in J891 in the Bhattiprolu stiipa in the Kistna 
District of the Madras Presidency. These inscriptions, as Hofrath 
Prof. Biihler has discovered," show a system of writing which in some 
respects is radically different from that prevailing in the more Northern 
inscriptions of Acoka. Thus, to mention only one point, the Bhattiprolu 
alphabet contains one new letter ( I) and five new forms of other letters 
(ijli. j, m, e, s). It is obvious that this discovery throws a new light on 
the ijiiestion of the age of the art of writing in India Such a marked 
variation cannot have sprung up in a short time, but must have had a 
long historv before the time of Acoka. With this new light, and with 
the help of accurate facsimiles now available, Hofrath Prof. Biihler sub- 
jected the question of the age and origin of the B rah mi script to a fresh 
searching investigation. 88 Their result is to render two facts extremely 
probable: first that the Brahini script is directly derived from the 

-t Phenician alphabet, and secondly that it was in common use in 

articles 1. II and XXIX in that Journal. 
II The title of this volume ia Inscriptions of the Early Gupta Kings and their 
ftaeeessors. <>n the epoch Bee also Dr. Fleet's paper in the Journal of the Bombay 
Branch nf t hi- Royal Asiatic Sm-ifty. \'<>l XVIII. for 1891, p. 71. 

-• Published in the Academy for May 1892, Vienna Oriental Journal, Vol. VI, 
p. 1 is anil Spiaraphia luilien. Vol 11, p. '.'>2'.i. 

ibliahedin the Transactions' of the Vienna Imperial Academy of Sciences, 
HI, nuclei the title: Indian 8tudies, No. Ill, on the "Origin of the Indian 
ma Alphabet." A eery useful abstract of Hofrath Prof. Biihler's argument ia 
• bj Dr. Q. A. lire rson in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. XXIV, p. 246. 



Annual Address. 23 

India during the fifth, and perhaps in the sixth, century B.C. The 
Bialuni script, like the English, runs from the left to right, while the 
Phenician script, like the Hebrew, used to run from the right to the 
left. If Hofrath Prof. Bidder's theory is correct, one may expect to find 
in India some evidence of the change of the direction in writing. 
Curiously enough such evidence does exist. A coin has been found by 
the late Major-General Sir A. Cunningham 2 * in Eran, in the Central 
Provinces, which clearly exhibits a legend in Biahmi characters 
running from the right to the left. It is probably of about the same 
age as the Acoka edicts, that is, about the third century B.C. ; and 
as these edicts themselves occasionally show single letters placed in 
that reversed direction, it hecomes very probable from these isolated 
survivals that the great change of the direction in writing the Brahmi 
characters took place in India in the course of the fourth century B.C. 
I may here mention another discovery made by myself, which cor- 
roborates the Indian tendency of changing the direction of writing. 
By the side of the Brahmi characters, there w r as another, quite distinct 
script in use in India at the time of king Acoka. This is the 
so-called Bactrian or Arian-Pali, or as it is now called the Kharosthi 
script. Its use -was limited to North-Western India, from the Pan jab 
westwards, while through the whole of India eastwards and southwards 
the Brahmi script, in some one or other of its varieties, was current. 
Hofrath Prof. Biihler has shown 25 that this secondary Indian script is of 
somewhat later date than the Brahmi, that it arose from an Aramean 
alphabet used in Persia in the sixth century B.C., and that it spread into 
India only in the fifth, or perhaps even as late as the fourth century B.C. 
It is a script, which like its source, the Aramean, runs from the right to 
the left; and it is foutid written in that fashion in the Acoka edicts and 
all other inscriptions. There is only one exception, namely two coins 
of the Indo-Parthian king Abdagases who pi-obably reigned in the 
first century B.C. in the regions about the Indus. They were obtained 
by Mr. J. A. Bourdillon from the Gaya Bazar, and I discovered on 
them a legend in the Kharosthi characters, but running from the left 
to the right. 26 This shows that a process of change in the direction 
of writing those characters was beginning to spring up in India in the first 
century B.C. ; and it is not impossible that the change might have, 
in the course of time, fully established itself within the borders of India, 
just as it did in the case of the Brahmi alphabet, but for the eireum- 

2 * Published by him iu his Coins oj Ancient India, p. 101, Plate XT, fig. 18. 
26 See his paper in the Vienna Oriental Journal, Vol. IX, p. 44. 
fcfl Published toy me in our Proceedings, for Mtiy 1895, and in our Journal, Vol. 
LXVI, Pun I, (for 1897), p. 13'J. Plate VI, tigs. 7 and 8. 



o j. Annual Address. 

stance that the custom of using the Kharostlii script died out in 
India too early to admit of any such radical change. For that script 
probably ceased to be used in India about the end of the second century 
A IV, though it continued to be current for a much longer period in the 
countries bordering on India in the West and North. In those regions 
its use probably survived until the time of their conquest by the 
Mnharamadan Arabs in the eighth century A.D., when it was 
superseded by varieties of the Arabic script. On this subject some 
more evidence has recently come to light. In 1895, Mr A. Caddy, 
who had been deputed by the Government of Sir Charles Elliott 
on archaeological exploration, excavated a large statue of a standing 
Buddha at the Loriau Tangai stupa, in the lower Swat valley, on 
the pedestal of which was found a short inscription in the Kharostlii 
characters, dated in the year 318. A. similar inscription dated 
in fhi- year 3s4 appears on the pedestal of another standing figure of 
Buddha, discovered in 18^3 by Mr. L. White Kintr, at Hashtanagar, 
in the Peshawar District, and published by Mr. V. A. Smith in our 
Journal. The era of these two dates is still a matter of dispute, 
but so much is certain that they carry us well into the fourth or fifth 
century A.D. 2 ' 

These dated inscriptions in the Kharostlii characters have an 
important bearing not only on the subject of palaeography, but also on 
the question of the age of Grasco-Buddhist art in the countries on the 
further side of the Indus. Into the latter subject, however, I cannot 
enter now, both because it is foreign to the matter of epigraphy and 
palaeography which I have now in hand, and because much of it also 
lies outside the period I am now reviewing. For the existence of a 
considerable Greek influence on the Indian Buddhist art in the countries 
bordering on the Indus has long been known. But I will not pass 
on without calling attention to two masterly essays by Mr. V. A. Smith, 
on " Gtsbco- Roman Influence on the Civilization of Ancient India," 
published by him in 1889-92, in the Journal of our Society, 23 and highly 
praised by Professor Griinwedel of Berlin in his "Buddhistic Art in 
India." Mr. Smith reviews the subject from every point of view, dis- 
ling principally the subject of sculpture, but also touching on 

»1 The era may either be that of Kanishka, commencing In 78 A.D., or of Moga 

COtnmi noing about 40 B.C. Accordingly 318 may be equivalent to 396 or 278 A.D., 

mill 884 to 462 or 844 AJD. The latter date has hitherto been read 28 A, but, as 

Dr. Btoob informs me, it is undoubtedly 384. See our Journal Vol. LVill, p. 44; 

in Antiquary, Vol. VIII, p. 257. 

I.VIII an.l LXI, p. 50, 107ff. Professor Grunwedel's book was pub- 
ttshed In lb[)\i ; see there, p. 79. 
60 



Annual Address. 25 

architecture, painting, coinage, drama, religion, mythology, science and 
philosophy. I may note, as two of the main results of his review, the 
conclusions that the Gandhara or Peshawar school of sculpture followed 
the lines of Roman art, and is not the direct descendant of pure 
Greek art ; and that the history of that school was practically at an 
end by A.D. 450. 

All the specimens of writing which I have hithei^to referred to are 
examples of Avhat is called the lapidary or diplomatic style. It is the 
style which was peculiar to the clei'ks of the *' kutcherries" or offices of 
the government or other great establishments, and which was used by 
them for the purpose of engrossing royal edicts, donations, etc. The 
manuscript copies, prepared by these professional writers, were afterwards 
reproduced by skilled artisans on stone or copper or other enduring 
material ; and it is in these reproductions that the inscriptions I have 
referred to have come down to us. In most cases probably the original 
writing was made by the professional scribe on the permanent material 
itself. Anyhow, if any were made on perishable material, such as palm- 
leaf or paper, none have come down to us. The requisite of the diplo- 
matic style of writing is that it should be kalligraphic, that is, clear and 
legible, and more or less elegant and ornate. In these respects it differs 
from what is called cursive writing, or that which is used in correspond- 
ence and all the ordinary concerns of life. Here the object is not perma- 
nence but quickness ; the letters are formed with a running hand, they 
have a tendency to join one another, and to modify their original shape. 
On the other hand, diplomatic writing has a tendency to conserve older 
and simpler forms. It represents conservation in the history of the art 
of writing, while cursive writing represents progress. It follows, there- 
fore, as a general principal in palaeography, that advanced forms of 
letters mark cursive writing, and that if we meet with a few letters of 
a cursive form in a document otherwise written in older forms, they have 
been adopted from the fashions of the cursive writing of the period. 
Gradually these adoptions grow more extensive ; but by the time they 
include the whole circle of the alphabet, the changes in cursive writing 
have also advanced a step further. It thus comes to pass that the 
diplomatic writing of any particular period represents on the whole 
the state of the cursive writing of the period immediately preceding. 
These are principles which are now generally admitted in Indian 
palaeography, but it was Hofrath Prof. Biihler who first directed pro- 
minent attention to them. 

It is obvious that cursive writing, as a rule, can only be expected 
to be met with in manuscripts. No manuscripts, as I have already 
remarked, have come down to us, dating from the earliest period of 

61 



26 Annual Address. 

writing in India. No manuscript has, as yet, been discovered written 
in tlie Mauryu characters like those of the time of Acoka. But 
that cursive writing did exist in those days is shown by the casual 
occurrence of advanced forms of letters in the Acoka inscriptions, and 
that it cannot have been at all uncommon in the daily concerns of life is 
shown by numerous references to it in the oldest Indian literature. 
Thus we bear of a slave getting himself a rich wife by means of a 
forged letter, and another going to a school to learn writing together 
with the son of his master, who was a Seth or banker, or ajrain of a 

her corresponding with his pupils. 29 The style of writing used 
by bankers must have been then, as it is now, of a very cursive kind. 
All this points to a very early knowledge of the art of writing in 
India. It may very well go back, as Hofrath Prof. Bidder suggests, to 
tin- sixth century before Christ. 

That nctual manuscript evidence of such an early age will ever 
l>" found is extremely improbable. The commonest writing material 
in those days vrereparnaav leaves, that is, no doubt, the same kind 
of palm-leaves as those which are still occasionally used in Orissa and 
elsewhere. In the climate of India such manuscript materials would 
not conserve for any considerable length of time. It would have been 
different, if we had to deal with climatic and meteorologic conditions, 
Mich as we have- in Egypt or Central Asia. It is not till we come to 
the commencement of our era that we first meet with manuscripts 
preserved down to our days. The oldest manuscripts, known until 
quite recently, were some scraps of inscribed bireh-birk, found in 
\-.'<l by .Mr. Masson in one of the stupas of Afghanistan. 80 These 
were inscribed with Kharosthl letters, but were too minute to be of any 
seivi-e. However, we possess now a more serviceable manuscript of 
the same description, and of about the same age. This consists of a few. 
detached leaves of birch-bark, inscribed with Kharosthl characters, and 
in the Pali language, which appear to have once formed a portion of 
the Dhammapada, one of the well-known sacred books of the Buddhists, 
Some of them were obtained in 1891 in Central Asia, by the French 
explorer M. Dntreuil de Rhine, who unhappily soon afterwards was 
nun deied at the hands of Tibetans. These leaves ultimately found their 
way to l'aris, while others, secured by Russian explorers, went to 
v ' Petersburg. They had evidently once belonged to the same manus- 
cript Photographic facsimiles of them were exhibited in 1897 at the 
Eleventh Internationa] Congress of Orientalists in Paris, by Mr. E.Senart 

i examples will be fonnd in Hofrath Prof. Buhler'a essay ou 
the "Origin of the Brahmi Alphabet" above referred to. 

It wai i in of the Nondira Topes; see Ariana Anti-ma. r>. 8-i. 



Annual Address. 27 

and Professor S. von Oldenburg. In their opinion the manuscript 
could not be of much later date than the Christian era, and might, 
possibly, be even older. 

It is thus curious that what is probably the oldest Indian manu- 
script should have been obtained ontside India, in Central Asia. Yet. after 
all, it is perhaps nothing more than might have been expected. Indian 
civilization and Indian literature was cairied by the Buddhist pro- 
paganda into Central Asia as early as the commencement of our era. 
Their settlements extended as far as Khotan, Kuchar and the borders 
of China proper. What was thus carried out of India stood a very good 
chance of being preserved by the dry climate and soil of the Central 
Asian deserts, the wonderfully conserving power of which seems to be 
as great as that of Egypt. Indeed, to judge from the abundant yields 
of recent explorations, Central Asia promises to be as fruitful a mine 
of epigraphical discoveries as Eg\ T pt has proved to be. In Central 
Asia nothing seems to decay but what is destroyed by the ignorance 
or the malice of men. 

It is to Central Asia that we also owe our oldest manuscript in the 
Brahmi alphabet. This is the well-known Bower Manuscript, the date 
of which cannot be later than 450 A.D., and may be much earlier. 
My edition of the text of this manuscript, entrusted to me by the 
Government of India, was completed last year. An introduction, 
narrating its history and discussing its age, contents, etc., is now 
under preparation. Its history, which is not without interest on 
account of its connection with other important discoveries, those of the 
Weber and Macartney Manuscripts, I will briefly relate. The Bower 
Manuscript is called after Captain Bower, who, on his tour of Central 
Asian exploration, in 1890, obtained it in Kuchar from a TurkI visitor. 
The latter also showed him the place where the manuscript had been dug 
out. It was the site of an ancient Buddhist vihara or monastery, partly 
consisting of cells cut in the rock of a neighbouring hill. In connec- 
tion with this vihara there were also the ruins of an ancient stupa, 
from the relic chamber of which the manuscript had been dug out 
precisely in the same way, as the scraps of inscribed birch-bark and 
other relics had been obtained by Mr. Masson in 1831 from the old 
Topes of Afghanistan. 

From information received by me later on from Mr. Macartney, the 
British Political Agent in Kashghar, it appears that at some time in 
1889 a Turki merchant of Kuchar (probably Captain Bower's visitor), 
in conjunction with a friend of his named Dildar Khan, an Afghan mer- 
chant of Yarkand, undertook, secretly for fear of the Chinese autho- 
rities, to excavate the stupa in cpuestion. Their object in digging into 

63 



28 Annual Address. 

it was to find treasure, as it was well known that in the time of Yaqiib 
Beer much gold had been discovered in such ancient buildings. Pro- 
bably the Afghan also knew that in his own country the excavation of 
stupas had occasionally yielded golden results. Whether or not they 
found any treasure is not known, but what they do admit to have 
found was a large number of manuscripts together with a quantity of 
bones. The hole which they made into the stiipa was excavated 
straight in, level with the ground, and the manuscripts, accordingly, 
would seem to have been found in the centre of the stiipa, on the 
ground level, exactly in the spot where the original deposit of relics is 
usually met with in such monuments. The two friends divided the 
spoil between them. The Turki secured as his share the Bower 
Manuscript, which he afterwards disposed of to Captain Bower in 
L890. The Afghan received the other moiety of the manuscripts. Of 
tli is he gave, apparently in 1891, one portion to the Russian Consul 
Petrovski in Kashgliar. The latter forwarded it to St. Petersburg 
where specimens of it were published by Professor von Oldenburg in 
the Journal of the Imperial Russian Archaaological Society. The 
remainder Dildar Khan took away with him to Leh in 1891. Here he 
gave one portion of it to Munshi Ahmad Din, who in his turn presented 
his acquisition to Mr. Weber, the Moravian Missionary. The latter 
transmitted it to me, aud specimens were published by me in our 
Journal in 1893. The remaining portion Dildar Khan took with him 
to India, where he left it with a friend of his in 'Aligarh. On a 
subsequent visit to India in 1895, he brought it away again and pre- 
sented it to Mr. Macartney. The latter forwarded it in 1896 to the 
Foreign Office in Simla, whence it was transmitted to me, and speci- 
mens of it were published by me in our Journal for 1897. 

When I came to examine more closely the manuscripts received from 
Mr. Weber and Mr. Macartney in order to compare them with those sent 
to St. Petersburg, I discovered that between them they contained por- 
tions of the same Buddhist work. This work tells the story of a certain 
General Manibhadra, how he visited Buddha, became a convert to 
Buddhism, and was taught by him a wonderfully effective charm. 
With the two-thirds in my hands, and the one-third in St. Petersburg, 
it will now probably be possible to publish the entire work, and I 
w-.uld suggest that the British and Russian Governments combine 
to do so. 

The principle of giving suum caique is one which it is well to 

observe on all occasions. Accordingly I have called the manuscripts 

received by me from Mr. Weber and Mr. Macartney by their names, 

the Weber Manuscripts and the Macartney Manuscripts Similarly I 

64 



Annual Address. *» 

have called some other Central Asian manuscripts which T received 
from Captain H. S. Godfrey, Assistant British Resident in Kashmir, the 
Godfrey Manuscripts. These two gentlemen, Mr. Macartney and 
Captain Godfrey deserve the greatest credit for the zeal and circumspec- 
tion with which they have been collecting not only manuscripts but 
also other antiquities from that part of Central Asia which is known as 
Chinese or Eastern Turkistan, and assisting me in making a collection 
worthy of our country. Their efforts are being ably seconded by 
Colonel Sir Adalbert Talbot, K. C. I. E. the British Resident in Kashmir. 
Central Asian archaeological exploration is being more and more vigorous- 
ly conducted every year. France and Russia have been in the field for 
some years. They have latterly been joined by Sweden, whose energetic 
explorer Dr. Sven Hedin has returned from a prolonged tour in Eastern 
Turkistan with a large collection of antiquities. Feeling that it would 
not do for Great Britain to be outstripped in tbese researches, I suggested 
to the Government of India the desirability of instructing their Political 
Agents in Kashghar and elsewhere to endeavour to collect Central Asian 
antiquities. This was in 1893, while I was working at my edition of 
the Bower Manuscript. My suggestion was heartily seconded by Sir 
Charles Lyall, K. C. S. I. (then the Home Secretary), and the Government 
of India, approving it, issued necessary instructions in August 1803- 
Since then a large number of such antiquities has been secured, and 
more are coming in. All acquisitions are transmitted to me, under the 
orders of the Government of India, for examination and report : their 
final place of deposit is to be the British Museum in London. 

Tliese antiquities consist of terracottas, coins, images and miscel- 
laneous objects of metal, stone or other material ; but the main portion 
is formed of manuscripts. A regular, or perhaps I should rather say 
an irregular, trade in such antiquities seems now to have sprung up. 
Captain Younghusband, in the interesting account of his travels 
through The Heart of a Continent, tells us how he advised one of his 
Musalman guides, whose great ambition was to visit England, to 
" search about among the old ruined cities of that country and those 
buried in sand, in order to find old ornaments and books for which large 
sums of money would be given him in England." Eastern Turkistan 
which is now to a great extent an arid desert of sand, seems to have 
been a fairly fertile country about the commencement of our era. Two 
great trade routes passed through it from China to Western Asia. One 
skirted the foot of the Tian-Shan mountains, along its northern borders, 
running by the town of Kuche or Kuchar ; the other passed by the 
Kuen-lun mountains and the town of Kbotan on the south. It is 
principally from these two towns and the intervening desert couu- 

65 






Annwil Address. 



try thai tl,e Antiquities we now possess have been procured. Some 
were obtained in Kuchar, but most of them came from the Takla 
Makan Desert, lying north of Khotan. That desert is, by the 
natives of Kasbcrharia, believed to have been once a fertile 
Mid onttivafced country. There is a tradition that before the intro- 
duction of Muhammedanism, in the eleventh century A.D., forty- 
ties flourished in that region, but that by reason of the obstinate 
disbelief of the inhabitants, who were mostly idolaters, their country 
iddenly and miraculously destroyed by a sandstorm. It is 
certain that the town of Katak, which probably lay about midway 
a Kuchar and Khotan, was buried and destroyed by the sands 
about 1330 A.D. But this process of submersion under the " moving 
' as they are fitly called by the natives, has been going on for 
centuries, as we know from the Chinese Buddhist pilgrim Hiuen Tsiang 
who travelled through Eastern Turkistan in the middle of the seventh 
century. Very graphic accounts of the appearance and action of the 
moving sands are given by Dr. Bellew, Captain Younghusband and other 
travellers. " During the spring and summer months a north or north- 
,ik1 prevails. It blows with considerable force and persistence 
for many days consecutively. As it sweeps over the plain, it raises 
tin- impalpable dust on its surface, and obscures the air by a dense haze 
resembling in darkness a November fog in London, but it drives the 
bea\ ier particles of sand before it, and on the subsidence of the wind, 
they are left on the plain in the form of ripples like those on the sandy 
beach washed by an ebbing current." In course of time there is formed 
•• a perfect sea of loose sand advancing in regular wave lines from north- 
mesi to south-east. The sand dunes are mostly from ten to twenty 
{eel bigh, but some are seen like little hills, full a hundred feet high, 
and in some spots higher. They cover the plain, of which the hard 
ei iy is seen between their rows, with numberless chains of two or 
or more together in a line, and follow in successive rows one 
behind the other." It is these moving sands that have engulfed 
whatever of the ancient civilization of Eastern Turkistan escaped the 
stations of consecutive wars and conquests. 

That civilization must have been of a very mixed kind ; for Eastern 
Turkistan was the meeting place of the culture of India, China and 
Indian civilization was carried there by the early 
Buddhist propaganda about the commencement of our era. Some- 
what later the semi-Greek culture of Parthia and Armenia and the 
indigenons civilization of China were bronght into the country by the 
merchants and soldiers that travelled or marched by the two great 
■routes already referred to. These were followed still later, from 



Annual Address. 31 

the sixth to the eighth centuries, by the civilization of the Nestorian 
Christian Missionaries, and finally, from the ninth centuiy, by the Arab 
Muhammadan conquests. 

It can be easily imagined that such a mixture of civilization would 
betray evidences of its existence in the antiquities recovered from the 
sand-buried tracts and towns of the country. Such is really the case. 
The antique objects which have now accumulated with me. owing 
principally, as I have already remarked, to the exertions of Mr. 
Macartney and Captain Godfrey, divide themselves into four classes: 
manuscripts, coins, terra-cottas, and miscellaneous objects. Some of 
the manuscripts have been dug out from old Buddhist ruins near 
Kuchar. and belong to the most ancient portion of the collection. But 
all the rest have come from the neighbourhood of Khotan, where, as 
Mr. Macartney informs me, " these relics are in such abundance that a 
few persons of that town make a regular livelihood as treasure-seekers. 
After a sandstorm or a flood they will proceed to such sand-buried 
localities as seem most promising in the hope of picking up some 
objects in gold or silver which had been laid bare by the wind or water." 

The manuscripts obtained from Kuchar are the Bower MS., the 
"Weber MSS., a,nd a few of the Macartney MSS. The peculiarity of 
these is that they are all written in two species of the Indian Brahmi 
alphabet. One of these is a species which was actually current in 
North- Western India up to the sixth century A.D. And it follows, 
therefore, that the manuscripts written in this variety of the Brahmi, 
— commonly known, in a general way, as the Gupta characters — were 
either imported from India or written by Indian Buddhists who had 
settled in Kuchar. It follows further that these manuscripts cannot, 
well be later than the sixth century, though they may be much older. 
It fact, the Bower MS. probably belongs to the fifth century, and one 
of the Macartney MSS. which has a still more archaic appearance, to 
the fourth century A.D. The interest of these manuscripts, apart 
from their great palaeographic value, principally lies in two points : 
the direct evidence which they afford of the early existence of 
Indian Buddhism in Kuchar, and the light which they throw on the 
history of Indian Medicine. They mainly contain medical treatises, 
and thus not only prove the very early existence, hitherto much doubted, 
of the science of medicine in India, but also that the profession of 
medicine, in those early days, was inseparable from that of sorcery and 
astrology, and that, in fact the monkish owner of the manuscripts was a 
" medicine-man " rather than a " medical man." 

The Bower Manuscript is written on leaves of birch-bark, while all 
the other Central Asian manuscripts arc written on paper of varying 

07 



Annual Address. 

texture and colour. Paper appears to have been the usual writing 
material in Eastern Turkistau. The art of paper making has been 
known for ages in China ; it lias also been practised for a long time in 
the Himalayan countries. It cannot, therefore, be a surprise to find that 
it was also known in Eastern Turkistau, which from almost the be- 
ginning of our era has been in more or less close political connection 
with China. The birch, ou the other hand, is not known in Eastern 
Turkistau. while it is found in the Himalayas, and its bark is used as 
mon writing material in Kashmir. This is an additional proof of 
the Bower .Manuscript being an Indian product, exported to Central 
A-ia. 

M< -t of the Macartney Manuscripts, as I hare already remarked, 
come from the neighbourhood of Khotan. They were found or dug out 
at different places in the Takla Makan desert, generally about 50 or 60 
miles distant from that town. The find-spots are sometimes described as 
ruins of walls of habitations, sometimes as cemeteries. One is described 
: Bolitnry mound, and circular, about 5 feet in diameter aud 2 feet in 
height. This was evidently the ruin of an old sepulchral tumulus or 
utupa ; for in it was found a skull resting on a coarse cloth bag enclos- 
ii g a manuscript hook ; and two small copper images of horsemen were 
«1 ii <_r up from its interior. The whole of this find was received by me 
exactly in the state in which it had been found. 

The manuscripts from Khotan form a surprisingly varied collec- 
tion, both with regard to condition and script. As to their condition, 
there air among them bound volumes, detached leaves, and large single 
sheets. Thesingle sheets appear to have been official documents of some 
kind; for they mostly bear the inked impress of seals. Many of the 
detached leaves appear to have originally belonged to a volume, now 
broken up, whether by the finder or by some other cause, is not known. 
Of hound volumes I now have twenty-one in my possession. They 
•I . vary both in shape, size and thickness. Some are nearly square, 
others decidedly oblong. Some are about eleven, others only about four 
me measure 15x4f, others only 10 or 7 x -H inches. 
Tin- number of their leaves varies between 12 and 112. Some are 
bound, or rather stiched, in the modern European fashion; others are 
done up like Indian pdthU by means of a string-hole and wooden boards. 
onlyinaU tring, a copper nail is passed through the hole. The 

King Likewise is done either by means of two or three copper nails, 
or I . paper. The ink which is used is, as a rule, black ; only 

iM ' • v " '"' ,,; "" exceptional cases, it is white; but in either case it is 
indelible; for all the manuscripts can be washed, without injuring the 



Annual Address. 33 

With reference to the characters and the language in which these 
manuscripts are written I am not yet in a position to make any definite 
statement, as I have had no leisure to make more than a very cursory 
examination of them. There certainly seem to be at least seven distinct 
scripts, and from sixteen to twenty varieties. The scripts are all of old 
types and appear to be Armenian, Kharosthi, Pahlavi, Turki, Uignr (or 
Nestorian), Chinese, and two others as yet quite unassignable. Of 
course, a script is not any necessary indication of the language in which 
the book may be written; and so long as the scripts have not been 
definitely deciphered, it is not possible to determine the number of 
languages that may be represented in the manuscripts. I may note, 
however, that in one instance, the manuscript (one of the sealed docu- 
ments) shows two scripts side by side, a circumstance which may 
possibly afford a key to the decipherment. Similar help may perhaps 
be given by another manuscript (one of the Turki) which seems to 
contain sketches of seals or coins. 

Besides manuscripts, ray collection of Central Asian antiquities 
contains, as I have already stated, a large number of coins (about 300). 
These, it may be hoped, will prove of great value for the purpose of 
determining the age of the sand-buried cities. They extend over a 
considerable space of time, though they are all very old. Some are 
Chinese, and go back to about the first century B.C. ; others are Sassa- 
nian of the fourth and fifth centuries A. D. Others again belong to some 
of the earlier Muhammadan dynasties. Anions the earliest coins there 
are a few of very peculiar interest, because they are bilingual, showing 
Chinese legends on one side and Kharosthi on the other. The Kharosthi 
legend, according to Dr. Bloch who has kindly examined them for me, 
appears to refer these coins to Gondophares in the first century A.D. 

Among the terra-cottas in my collection, there are a number of 
pieces of pottery which show Grasco-Buddhist designs of that kind 
which was current in Gandhara, a portion of modern Afghanistan, in the 
earliest centuries of our era. Mr. Havell, the Principal of the Calcutta 
School of Art, has been very helpful to me in re-constructing some very 
fine vases of this kind from a few detached fragments. There are also 
numerous full figures of monkeys, from 1 to 3 inches high, in all 
sorts of postures, rather well made, some playing on the well-known 
Greek reed instrument, the syrinx, like satyrs. Very curious is one 
piece which shows an ornamental design peculiar to Assyria. Another 
piece bears a lighty incised inscription in ancient Brahmi characters of 
the fifth century A.f). All this points to an extension, in those early 
ayes, of the Grecian culture of Western Asia into Eastern Turkistan, — a 
fact which was until now quite unsuspected. 

69 



3-i Annual Address, 

Altogether Central Asia seems to be a country likely to be pregnant 
with archaeological surprises, and it is satisfactory to know that Great 
Britain will not be behind other countries in securing a fair share of them. 

In connection with the Central Asian manuscripts of which I have 
been Bpeaking, I must mention a very important discovery whicb has 
been reoently made by Major H. A. Deane. In 1894 he first dis- 
covered a number of inscriptions in an unknown script, incised more or 
ivi'ully and distinctly on detached pieces of stone. In the follow- 
ing years he collected further large numbers of inscriptions of the 
name kind. They have all been found on the northern bolder of the 
Peshawar District and in the independent territory beyond it, in the 
countries, therefore, which anciently were called Grandhara and Udyana. 
Some of them have been published by Mr. E. Senart in the Journal of 
the I ranch Asiatic Society, and the rest by Dr. A. Stein, in our Journal. 31 
These two scholars have subjected them to a very careful and minute 
examination, the result of which is that the characters used in them, 
though probably closely related to one another, show distinct signs of 
being distribntahle into five different varieties. 34 But neither of those 
scholars, DOT indeed anyone else hitherto, has been able to discover a key 
to reading them. There is, however, some ground for believing that ulti- 
mately they will be found to be written in some species of TurkI script 
and language. For some Turk! inscriptions found on the banks of the 
river Orkhon in Mongolia and deciphered by Professor V. Thompson in 
1893, have been compared by Hofrath Prof. Biihler with Major Deane's 
inscriptions, and he has observed that more than a dozen letters seem 
to beoommon to both. Further Professors Levi and Chavannes of Paris 
nown from the Itinerary of the Chinese pilgrim Oukonsfthat in the 
middle of the eighth century A. D. the countries of Gandhara and Udyana 
were united under a dynasty of Turkish nationality and language. 53 
Among my Central Asian manuscripts there are several which I suspect 
may be written in a very early species of Turki. The characters are of 
an unknown kind, but, as the result however of a mere cursory inspection, 
to lii c noticed resemblances to the characters occurringin Major 
Deane'fl inscriptions. Here, therefore, there seems to present itself a 
possibility of unravelling the puzzle of the inscriptions as well as the 
manuscripts. 

imal Asiatique, Vol. IV, pp. 332 and 504. Also reprinted as Xotes 

So. V, 1895; and oar Journal, Vol. LXVII, 18'J8. 

M Three of them, identified by Mr. Senart, have been called by him the 

Spankhorra, Boner and Mahaban varieties. The other two have been discovered by 

■ I the name Nurieai to tho fourth variety ; the fifth he does not 

V" I. VI. p. 878 for 1895. 



siin/ua/ Address. 35 

Ethnographic and Linguistic Surveys. — During the period under 
review two new Surveys have been added to those already existing in 
India and doing such splendid scientific work. 

The first of these is the Ethnographic Survey, which, so far as 
Bengal is concerned, was under the direction of the Hon'ble H. H. Risley, 
CLE. This survey is one of the direct results of the general census of 
1881. It was not commenced, however, before 1885, in Bengal, and 
it was completed there in 1891 with the publication of Mr. Risley 's 
report in four volumes. In the North- Western Provinces it was taken 
up in 1892 under the superintendence of Mr. W. Crook, and was 
completed in 1896, also with the publication of a Report in four 
volumes. The survey of the Panjab was started in 1894 under the 
charge of Mr. Long worth Dames, and is still in progress. 

The scheme of these ethnographic enquiries was framed from the 
first so as to serve two distinct purposes, the one in the main adminis- 
trative, the other principally scientific, — a distinction which is carefully 
maintained in the four volumes embodying the results of Mr. Risley's 
portion of the work. The administrative uses are subserved by his first 
two volumes which contain, in alphabetical order, in the form of a glos- 
sary, an enumeration and description of the tribes, castes, sects and 
occupations of the people of Bengal The other two volumes give the 
scientific part of the enquiry, and consist of the tables of anthropometric 
data on which Mr. Risley's ethnographic generalisations are based. 
Special interest attaches to these tables ; for they are the first attempt on a 
large scale to apply the anthropometric system, elaborated by the French 
school of anthropologists, to the elucidation of the problem of caste 
which is so prominent in India. In the introduction to his first volume 
Mr. Risley discusses this problem in the light which is thrown on 
them by the data collected in the tables. His conclusions may be 
thus summarised. The whole of India is inhabited by a dolicho- 
cephalic or long-headed race. The brachycephalic or broad-headed race 
occurs only along the northern, and eastern borders of Bengal, and can 
hardly be deemed Indian at all. In the long-headed race, however, two 
extreme forms can be distinguished, the Aryan and the Dravidian ; 
and between these two extreme forms there are a large number of 
intermediate groups, each of which forms, for matrimonial purposes, 
a sharply defined circle, commonly known as a caste, beyond which 
none of its members can pass. If these groups are arranged in the 
order of their average nasal index, or the formula indicating the 
proportion of the length of the nose to its breadth, so that the caste with 
the finest nose shall be at the top, and that with the coarsest at the 
bottom of the list, it is found that this order substantially corresponds 

71 



,'>p, Annual Address. 

with the accepted order of social precedence. Mr. Risley, accordingly, 
bases the origin of caste entirely on distinctions of race. His theory 
is directly opposed to that of Mr. Nesfield, Ibbetson and others, who 
hold that caste originated from differences in the occupations of Hie 
people. There is a third theory, the traditional one, according to which 
caste is derived from an original fourfold division of the population into 
Brahmans, Ksatriyas, Vaicyas and Sudras. These three theories have 
been reviewed by Mr. E. Senart in 1896 in a little work on The Castes in 
India. He shows that none of these theories is capable of accounting 
for all the facts connected with caste. The essence of the latter lies 
in restrictions with regard to connubium and commensality. Such 
restrictions, however, are by no means confined to India, nor even to 
Aryan races. They are known to have existed among Greeks, Germans, 
Rnssians and other Aryan peoples ; and it is probable that they also 
existed among the races that preceded the Aryan immigration into 
India. It is in them that we must look for the key to the origin of caste 
in India. Differences of occupation, race and religion contributed to 
the now existing divisions of caste,, hut the spirit and to a large degree 
the actual details of caste restrictions are identical with the ancient, 
world-wide, and especially Aryan, customs of restricting connubium 
and commensality. The abatement and final removal of these restric- 
tions among the Aryan nations of the West is due, as Mr. Senart shows, 
to the growth of strong political and national feelings ; and it is the 
absence of such feelings in India which probably accounts not only for 
the continued existence, but occasional new creations of caste in this 
country. 8 * 

A survey of Assam, more with reference to its early history and 
languages, than to ethnology, was initiated by Sir Charles Lyall, K.C.S.I., 
in 1894, under the energetic direction of Mr. E. A. Gait, who in the 
previous year had published in the Journal of our Society an account of 
the Koch dynasty, which formerly ruled in Western Assam and the 
adjacent districts of Bengal. The immediate object was to make a search 
for originals or copies of the numerous manuscript buranjis or histories 
which were believed to be in existence; but incidentally copper-plate 
jriptions, coins, and other old records were also brought to light. 
Several very important copper-plate grants, found in Gauhati, Nowgong, 
and I largaon, were made over to me by Mr Gait to be deciphered. They 
h:i\i- been published by me in our Journal, 35 and help to clear up to some 

nt the obscure history of Assam in the earlier middle ages. They 
show that there were three dynasties, probably succeeding one another, 

8* s. ■ i Eb I u m in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1897, p. 192. 
I, XVI and LXVII, for 189G and 1897. 



Annual Address. 37 

in the tenth and eleventh centuries A.D. The fii st two of these dynasties 
appear to have belonged to foreign invaders, and to have included, between 
them, twenty-two kings. One of the grants (of Nowgong) was issued 
by Balavarman, one of the members of the second foreign dynasty. Tlie 
third dynasty was an indigenous one and bore the surname of Pala. 
Two of its members, Ratnapala and Indrapala, the second and fourth 
of the series, are represented by the Bargaonand Gauhati grants. 

The modern history of the Assam valley dates from the advent of 
the Ahoins, a Shan tribe who crossed the Patkoi and invaded Eastern 
Assam about the beginning of the thirteenth century, and who gradually 
extended their sway westwards over the whole of the Assam valley, 
which they continued to rule up to the time of the British occupation. 
It was the practice of the leading families and of the deodhais or 
priests to maintain burunjis or histories, which were hauded down from 
father to son and were periodically brought up to date. Many of these 
records were destroyed by order of one of the Rajas who discovered 
that they contained adverse criticisms of his rule, and others were lost 
in the troubles which followed the incursion of the Burmese at the 
beginning of the present century. A considerable number, however, 
escaped. Some of these were examined by an Assamese gentleman, 
named Kacinath Tamuli Phukan, who compiled from them a vernacular 
history of Ah5m rule which was published at Sibsagar in 1814. 
The present enquiries have resulted in the discovery of a number of 
manuscripts in the possession of the representatives of old families and 
of some of the tribal deodhais or priests, which add very considerably 
to the information recorded by Kacinath. These buranjis are inscribed 
on oblong strips of bark of the tree Aquilaria A g allodia. 1 '* Those that 
belonged to old families were in the Assamese language, and were 
translated without difficulty. But those belonging to the deodhais were 
in the old Ahom. language and character, the knowledge of which has 
almost died out and is now confined to a small number of elderly 
deodhais. In order to obtain a translation of the latter a young 
Assamese was appointed to learn the language from the few deodhais 
who can still speak it, and then with their aid to translate their buranjls. 
This work has now nearly been completed, and when it has been 
brought to a close, the materials will be utilised for the compilation of 
a complete history of Ahom rule. 

A search has also been made for inscriptions of the Ahom kings on 
temples, cannon and copper-plates, and for coins issued from their mints. 

88 For a description of the method of preparing the bark, see Mr. Gait's paper 
entitled " An abstract of the contents of one of the Ahom puthis " published in 
our Journal, Vol. LXIII, Pt. I, p. 108. 

73 



3g Annual AJcLess. 

In all 28 temple inscriptions, 6 inscriptions on cannon, 48 copper-plates 
and 69 coiaa have been found and examined, the earliest of which dates 
;i..in 1544 A.D. The information obtained from these sources has been 
utilised for cheeking the information recorded by Kacinath ; and so far 
as they go, the result has been to confirm the accuracy of his chronology 
in a n-mai kable degree. The majority of the coins collected were in 
the S.-.n.-kzit language and Nagari character, but some of them were in 

ihQsp. language and character. These latter, which have long been 
a puzzle to numismatists, were deciphered by the Ahom translator, and 
the readings were published by Mr. Gait, in 1895, in our Journal, 
together with information on the Ahom system of chronology. In the 
Mime volume of our Journal, Mr. Gait also gave some account of the 
coinage of the Koch kings. 37 

Previous to these enquiries, very little was known of the history 
of the Rajas of Jaintia who ruled over the Jaintia Hills and the portion 
of the Sylhet district which lies to the North of the Surma river. 
Some traditions regarding these kings have been collected, andtencoins 
and five copper plates have been found, which prove the accuracy of a 
traditional list of twenty kings, so far as the last fourteen names in it 
are concerned, and furnish materials for forming a fairly accurate estimate 
ot i he dates when they ruled. The results arrived at were, published by 
Mr Gail in 1895 in our Journal. 39 

The state chronicles of the kings of Manipur have been translated 
under the order of Colonel H. St. P. Maxwell, C. S. I., the Political Agent 
and Superintendent of the State. The chronicles professedly commence 
with the birth of the first king of Manipur in 334 A.D , but cannot be 
relied on for a narrative of actual fact until the early part of the fifteenth. 
century. 

In addition to the above, a number of manuscripts containing 
traditions of old rulers, legends and mythology, have been collected and 
tian-dated, and a. list has been prepared of all known books and papers, 
bearing on the history, ethnology, &<;., of the Assam Province. 39 

Since the publication in 1880 of my Comparative Grammar of the 
(iaudian Languages, no material progress has been made in our general 
knowledge of the Sanskritic languages of Northern India. In some 
points of detail, however, there has been a considerable advance, and 
this has been almost wholly due to the researches of my colleague in 
.-indie.-, l>r. G. A. Grierson, CLE. They principally concern the 

•I See our Journal, Vol. LXIV, pp. 237 and 286. 
a< Baa Vol. LXIV, p. 2-12. 

89 The imopnt of the Assam Survey is based on a note kindly supplied by 
M r. ' 

74 



Annual Address. 39 

grammars of the Kacmiri language and of the dialects of Bihar and the 
Panjab, and are too technical to be of general interest. Those whom it 
may interest, I must refer to Dr. Grierson's learned essays published 
in our Journal. 40 

We may, however, now look forward to a great advance over the 
whole field of the North-Indian vernaculars, as the result of the Lin- 
guistic Survey which is at present proceeding under the direction of 
Dr. G. A. Grierson. That scholar first mooted the idea of such a survey 
before the International Congress of Orientalists held in Vienna in 1886. 
As a result a vote was passed by the Congress urging on the Government 
of India tire importance of preparing a detailed survey of the languages 
and dialects spoken in this country. The suggestion was favourably enter- 
tained by the Government of India, but, owing to various causes, it could 
not be given effect to for some years, and then only in a modified form. 
The scheme which was ultimately approved of, and which since 1895 is in 
operation, comprises the following points. First of all, a rough unscientific 
catalogueis being made of every known language spoken throughout India, 
excluding Burmah and the Madras Presidency. The examination of the 
languages spoken in these two provinces is left to a future opportunity. 
The area to be investigated, therefore, consists of the Panjab, the North- 
West Provinces and Oudh, the Lower Provinces of Bengal and Assam, 
the Presidency of Bombay, the Central Provinces, and Rajpiitana. 
Attempts will also be made to investigate, as far as possible, the langu- 
ages of Kashmir and the Himalayan States along the North of Hindus- 
tan. This large area includes practically the whole of the Aryan- 
speaking population of India, besides the languages of hundreds of 
aboriginal tribes speaking Munda and Tibeto-Burman languages. 
These rough lists are compiled from returns supplied by local officers. 
Each District Official and, in the case of Independant States, each 
Political Officer was given a printed form which he was requested to 
fill up, naming every dialect and form of language, under the appel- 
lation by which it is locally known, spoken in the tract under his 
charge. All these forms have already been received back from the 
local officers, and the Rough List is in active course of preparation. 

4° See his Essays On Bihdn declension, Vol. LII, 1883; Grammar of Chattis- 
garhi, Vol. LIX, 1890; Specimen and Analysis of Padmdvafr, Vol. LXII, 1893; Pro- 
nominal suffixes in Kdqmirl, and Radical and Participial Tenses of the Modem Indo- 
Aryan Languages, Vol. LXIV, 1895; Irregular Causal Verbs ibidem, Kdq.miri 
Yoioels 8ystem, and a List of Kacmirl Verbs, Vol. LXV, 1896; Kacmirl Consonantal 
System, Vol. LXVI, 1897. See also his Seven Grammars of the Bihdrl Language 
published in 1883-1887, and the Rev, T. Bomford's essays on Western Paiijabl in 
Vols. LXIV and LXVI of our Journal. 

75 



40 Annual Address. 

The lists for the Lower Provinces of Bengal, comprising Bengal Proper, 
Bihar and Orissa, for the Central and North-West Provinces and Oudh 
and for the Panjab are complete and in the Press, while those for 
Rajptttana and Assam are nearly ready, but have not yet been sent to 

Dr. Grierson has been good enough to permit me to inspect ad- 
vanced proofs of those portions which are in the Press. I am thus in 
B position to explain the composition of the two parts of the Rough List. 
In the first part, languages are arranged according to local areas. Each 
local area, or district, is taken in order, and each language spoken in 
it, together with the estimated number of speakers, is stated, family 
by family, as it occurs. Languages, indigenous to the district and 

■ spoken in it by non-domiciled immigrants, are distinguished by a 
difference in the printed type. The second part is like a reversing 
dictionary. Here languages are arranged according to families and 
groups, and under eacli dialect is recorded the name of each local area 
in which it is spoken. Here too a difference in the arrangement 
indicates the localities of the dialects spoken by the settled and the 
immigrant populations. 

These lists are being prepared with as great regard for accuracy as 
is possible, but they have the defects of their origin. The original 
returns have been prepared by persons with local knowledge, but who 
do not pretend to be philologists. They may be taken as repre- 
senting what intelligent local people consider to be the languages 
of their own neighbourhood.' They give names, but the)' are names 
only. We arc told, for example, that Baijgali is spoken in such and 
• such a place, but we are not told what is meant by the word " Baijgali 
[t is probably the language which Europeans call Bengali, but it may 
be something else. In the Central Provinces many thousands of Gonds 
have abandoned their ancestral language, and now speak a barbarous 
Hindi. In many cases this has been returned by local officers as Gondi, 
and it will be necessary, therefore, to test every entry regarding that 
language, in order to see whether the language referred to belongs to 
the Dra vidian or to the Aryan family of speech. 

The decision of these and similar questions is one for linguistic 
experts, and it is to provide experts with materials for coming to a 
decision, and thus to render the survey complete and of scientilic 
value, that the Becond portion of the scheme has been devised and, it is 
hoped, will he approved of by the Government of India. As soon as the 
rough b-t ofa Province is complete, translations into every language, in- 
digenous to each district, will be called Eor Erom each local officer. Ono 
standard passage bus been selected for these translations, namely the 



Annual Address, 41 

Parable of the Prodigal Son. As these translations will in many cases bo 
made by persons who do not know English, a collection of some sixty- 
five specimen translations of the parable into various Indian languages 
lias been prepared. It is probable that the person selected to translate 
in each case will be acquainted with at least one of the languages of 
which a specimen is given. But as every translation will probably be 
more or less stiff, efforts will be made to procure at the same time an 
original folktale, song, or other naturally spoken sample of the language. 
When all these translations have been collected, they will have to be 
examined, and with their aid each language mentioned in the rough 
lists will have to be classified under its proper name and family. It is 
to be hoped that these translations, or at least selected specimens of 
them, may be published ; for if properly edited, they will form a valuable 
collection of evidence as to the actual linguistic condition of India. 
When once the rough lists have been corrected and the translations 
published, we shall for the first time be able to say what languages are 
spoken in Northern India, and how many people speak in each. We 
shall also, incidentally, acquire a complete collection of specimens of all 
the written characters used in that country. 

It is obvious that the second part of the survey which is yet to be 
made is the far more important of the two. In fact, the first part, by 
itself, with all its unverified statements, has no practical value, certainly 
none of any scientific character. Its value lies solely in the fact of its 
furnishing the basis for the scientific survey. It is, therefore, much to 
be hoped that nothing may occur to stop the survey at the stage which 
it has now reached, but that the Government of India may place Dr. 
Grierson in such a position as will enable him now to devote his whole 
time to the prosecution of the remaining scientific part of the survey, 
for which he is exceptionally well fitted, and thus to bring to a success- 
ful end the great undertaking which he has initiated, and which will 
reflect so much credict on the Government of India. 

It must be remembered that such a lingustic survey, in addition to 
its own proper purpose, is most valuable on account of the fresh light it 
throws on Unsettled points of history and ethnography. Thus there is 
the tribe of Abhirs or Ahirs, well-known in ancient Indian history. Its 
identity and habitat has always been a very vexed question. The 
linguistic survey, at last, has supplied the answer. It has brought 
to light the Akirvati or Ahirvali, a dialect of Western Hindi, 
which is spoken in the district of Gurgaon and the neighbouring 
native states by as many as 300,000 people, a large number of whom 
are still Ahiis. These Ahirs of Gurgaon are an important tribe, from 
whom anciently their country took the Sanskrit name of Abhtravartta; 

77 



42 Annual Address. 

and this, in its turn, in a corrupted form, has given its name to their 
dialect of Ahirvali.* 1 I may give another instance. The last census 
gm only 4,500 Koches in Bengal. The Koches are a strong Tibeto- 
Bumian race, which certainly once occupied a large portion of Bengal 
proper. Now the linguistic survey has discovered 217,500 more of 
KOches who live in the Nor'rh-Central Districts of Rajshahi, 
Purnea and Malda. This illustrates how important it is to go on with 
the survey, and not to stop it in its present half-finished condition. 

I have already remarked that we may fully expect the results of 
the Linguistic Survey to lead to great advances of our knowledge of the 
history, the inter-relation, and distribution of the languages of Northern 
India. In order to show what we may expect in this direction, I cannot 
do better than communicate to you the substance of a note which Dr. 
Grierson has been good enough to place in my hands. 

The extensive studies which I made of the North Indian vernaculars, 
when J was preparing my Comparative Grammar of the Gaudian 
Languages, had led me to the conclusion set out in the Introduction to 
t lint Grammar, that there must have been two consecutive Aryan inva- 
sions of India, and that t lie second set of invaders entered the domains 
of the first "like a wedge." Dr. Grierson informs me that alibis 
studies, sul>sequent to that publication, have confirmed, in a most strik- 
ing way, my theory, which even then was not an altogether new 
suggestion. He is of opinion that it will ultimately be shown that there 
are much plainer signs of this double invasion in ancient Indian Litera- 
ture, than has hitherto been supposed. Thus he believes it can be 
shown that the war between Vicvamitra and Vacistha was a war between 
these two tribes, in which Vacistha represents the first comers, and 
Vicvamitra represents their new-come rivals, who had settled on the 
Barasrati, and had alreadv driven the older tribe, partly to the East to 
beyond the Gandak and into Magadha, partly South into the Pancala 
country, and partly West to the banks of the Indus, where Sudas, 
Vacistha'fl master, lived. He further believes that the Kuru-Pancala 
war of the Mahabhurata was in its essence a struggle between these two 
tribes, the Kmus representing the new-comers and the Pancalas the 
old ones; and that if this theory is borne in mind in read-'ng the 
YaeNtha-Vievatnitra hymns of the Rg-veda and the Mahabharata, and 
it ft proper study is made of the geography of the period and of the 
tribea mentioned and the sides they took, it will receive remarkable 
confirmation! 

*1 Mr. V. A. Smith, in the Journal of tho Royal Asiatic Society for 1897, p. 891, 
following B» A. Cunningham, places the Ahira further south, between Jliansi and 
iljyir State. 



Awnnal Address. 43 

From tlie point of view of linguistics Dr. Grierf .on,, in his note, shows 
that many new facts: have come to light confirming my original theory. 
For instance, there is his discovery of the North- Western family, which 
completes the " wedge " theory. Then dividing the Aryan languages of 
India into two main families, a Central and a Non-Central, he shows 
that there is a remarkable series of opposed linguistic facts in the two. 
The Central family represents the new comers ; the non-Central repre- 
sents the first comers. Thus, the Central family is in the main a set of 
languages which are in the analytic stage. The original inflections 
have in the main disappeared, and grammatical needs are supplied by 
the addition of auxiliary words which have not yet become a part 
of the main words to which they are attached. Examples are the 
genitive suffix ka and the auxiliary verbs. Languages of the non- 
Ceutral family have gone a stage further in linguistic evolution. They 
were once, in their Sanskrit form, synthetic ;, then they passed through 
an analytic stage — some are only passing out of that stage now, and are, 
like KacmirL, so to speak, caught in the. act — , and are again become 
synthetic, by the incorporation of the auxiliary words, used in the 
analytic stage, with the main words to which they were originally 
attached. Examples are genitive, terminations like, the Bangali er, or 
verbal terminations like the Bangali dm. 

Then,, again, Dr. Grierson points out that the non-Central languages 
evidently used enclitic pronouns from the first* Henee we find them 
using pronominal suffixes freely, aLl using them for verbs, and some for 
nouns* In the Central languages, on the contrary, pronominal suffixes 
are, so far as he is at present aware, unknown. 

In pronunciation also, he shows, that the two main families are 
shauply opposed. It is hardly necessary to dwell on the well-known 
preference of the Central languages for o-sounds, and of the other lan- 
guages for e-sounds This is as old as the Ac5ka inscriptions. There 
are other preferences to, which it is quite,- unnecessary to refer : they 
will at once occur to every philologist. A very remarka/ble difference is 
the treatment of the sibilants. The Central family hardens them : every 
sibilant is pronounced as a hard dental s. The non-Central languages 
seem unable to pronounce an s clearly. In the extreme west, the Greeks 
founds pronounced like h ; and in the east, the Prakrit grammarians 
found, it softened to a sh sound, which they represented by jj. At the; 
present day we find the same shibboleth a test of nationality : in Bengal 
and part of Maratha s is weakened to sh, and in Eastern Bengal and 
Assam it is further weakened, till its pronunciation resembles that of a 
German ch, and again on the North- Western frontier and in Kacmir, 
it has become an h, pure and simple. 

79 



44 Annual A&lress, 

The limits of these two main families Dr. Grierson defines as 
follows. The Central main family is bounded on the north by the 
Himalayas, on the west by, roughly speaking, the river Jhelam, and on 
the east by the Kosi. The western and eastern boundaries are very 
wide, and include a good deal of debatable ground in which the two 
main families meet and overlap. If these limits are narrowed so as to 
include only the pure languages of the Central main family, the western 
boundary must be placed at about the meridian of Sirhind in Patiala, 4,8 
and the eastern at about the meridian of Allahabad in the North- 
Western Provinces. The southern boundary is well defined. It runs 
east and west through a point about two-thirds of the way across the 
Central Provinces. On the west, the Central main family merges into 
Sindhl through Marwari and Bagri, into what Mr. Bomford names 
'• Western Punjabi" through Panjabl, and into Kacmiri through Gujari, 
! I _i i. and other hill languages, so that the area covered closely corres- 
ponds with that of the ancient madhya Jega or Middle Countr}-, the name 
of which is significant. We learn from the Mahabharata that Krsna, be- 
ing defeated by Jarasandha of Magadha, fled from Mathura to Gujarat, 
where he founded a colony. At the present day Gujarat is the only 
place where the Central main family has burst through the surrounding 
wall of non-Central languages. The language is a pure Central one. 
Panjabl contains many unrecorded forms, for which the ouly explanation 
is that to the west of Sirhind, or, we may say, to the west of the Saras- 
vati, the country was originally inhabited by tribes belonging to the 
non-Central family, who were conquered or absorbed by members of 
the Central family, whose lauguage gradually superseded theirs just 
as Hindustani is now gradually superseding Panjabl. Pafijabi is a 
Central language, but it contains many forms which can only have 
survived (if they were not imported) from an original non-Central 
dialect. 

On the eastern side, the wider boundary includes Bihari. Most of 
the Bihar dialects probably belong to the non-Central main family. 
Hitherto they have been grouped with languages like Avadhi and 
Baisvari, which also probably belong to the Central main family. 
Provisionally, till the linguistic survey is complete, Dr. Grierson is 
inclined to class the true Bihari dialects, viz., Purbi, Bhojpuri, Maithili, 
and Magadhi, as non-Central languages, belonging, like Bangali, to the 
1. tern group, and Baisvari and Avadhi and others as an Eastern 
group of the Central family. 



*• Birbind nlso means tho head of Hindustan, and is still the recognised race- 
boondwrj point. 



West-Central 
Group. 



-{ 



Annual Address. 45 

Thus Dr. Grierson arrives at the following classification of the 
languages of Northern India. 

Central Family. 

(-Western Hindi (including Urdu, Braj Bhasa, Rohil- 

khandi, and the language of the 

Upper Doab, called Pachadi). 

Bundelkhandi. 

Rajasthani (including Marvari, Me van, Bagri and 

Malvi 43 ). 

Gujarati. 

vPanjabi. 

("Eastern Hindi (including Baisvari and Avadhi). 
East-Central ) D , _,,, ,. 
S Baghelkhandi. 

Grou P- tohatti 8 ga T hi> 

f Western Pahari (including Kuluhi, Sirmuri and other 

connected dialects). 

Northern j Central p a h ar i (including Garhvali, Jaunsari, and 

Groa P- 46 Kumauni). 

^Eastern Pahari (also known as Naipali, Khas or 

Parbatia). 

The Classification of the Non-Central family is simple. 

r Sindhi. 
North-Western We8tem paSj - bi 

Grou P- (Ka 9 miri. 

South- Western ") _ 

Group. j Marath1 ' 

, Bihari.* 6 

Eastern Group. 3 an £ 

j Assamese. 

^•Oriya. 

History Of Old Calcutta. — The last subject on which I propose 

to touch in my address is one which concerns us " Calcuttaites " more 

nearly. It is the history of old Calcutta. 

** The last may, perhaps, have ultimately to be classed as a separate language, 
or, perhaps, as a dialect of Bundelkhandi. 

** Possibly Chattisgarhi should come under the non-Central Family. Ita 
classification under the Central Family is provisional. 

4& The language-names of this group are taken from the Census Report of 1891. 
The nomenclature is Mr. Baynes. 

** In the rough lists*of the Linguistic Survey, Bihari is included in the East- 
Central Group. This is only provisional. 

81 



4<; Animal Address. 

The origin of this city of ours has been the subject of investiga- 
tion of two members of the Society, BabQ Ofaur Das Bysack and Mr. 
C. R. Wilson. The former published a very interesting paper on the 
subject in 1891, in the Calcutta Review, 4 ? and the latter has given us 
an account of his researches in a separate volume on the Early Annals 
of the English in Bengal, published in 1895. i3 The results of their 
investigations may be summarised as follows. 

Down to the commencement of the sixteenth century Satgaon was 
the centre of commerce in Lower Bengal. That town lay on the river 
Sarasvati, near its junction with the Hugli, a little to the north of the 
modern town of llugli. Early in the sixteenth century the Sarasvatl 
began to silt up; and in order to better meet the commerce with 
Europe, which then began to spring up, the native traders begau to move 
down the river Hugli, in consequence of which movement Satgaon was 
deserted and sank into the obscurity of an insignificant group of huts. 49 
Among those who deserted Satgaon were one Sett and four Bysack 
families. They settled on the Hugli at a place which they named 
Govindpur after their tutelary deity Govindji, and which stood on the 
site of the present Fort William and its Esplanade. At the same tim3 
they established a place of business a little higher up the river, as a 
mart for the sale of skeins of thread and woven cloth. It was hence 
called the Sutauuti Hat or " the Cotton-bale Market," or in its English 
form Cliuttauutti. 50 This place corresponds to the northern native 
quarter of the present city. 

The immigration of the Setts and Bysacks occurred not long 
before 15.30, in which year the first Portuguese ship sailed up the river 
11 iiltIi, and traded with them. The first settlement of the English in 
these parts took place in 1651, in which year the Company established 
its headquarters in Hugli, near the now decaying town of Satgaon. 
In 1686, however, they found themselves obliged to abandon it, and 
withdrew to the island of Hijili at the mouth of the Hugli. On 
his way down the Hugli, Job Charnock, who was in command of 
the Company's servants, halted for a few weeks at the Sett and Bysack 
settlement at Siitanuti. In the following year, having failed to 
establish himself in Hijili, he returned to Siitanuti, where he maintained 

« See Article V, in No. CLXXXIV, p. 805, entitled «' Kalighat and Calcutta." 

*' The " Introductory Account " is bused mainly on the late Sir Henry Yule's 
d of the Diary of William Hedges, Esq., Vol. II, 1888. 

• Sec Blochmann's account of Satgaon in our Journal, Vol. XXXIX, p. 281. 

l0 Pronoanced Shuttanutti, as in Portugese, whence the transliteration is 
wed. Sue Wilson's Early Annals, p. 135, note 2. The name is found variously 
i : Cuuttuuuttee, Cliuttauultea, Chuttamitty, etc,; also Soota-Natfcy. 



Annual Address. 47 

himself for about one year, from September 1687 to November 1688; 
but ultimately, after an abortive attempt at Chittagong in 1689, lie bad 
to withdraw to Madras. From here be was recalled by the emperor 
Aurarjgzib, and in August 1690 came back for the third time to Sutanuti, 
where he established the Company once more at the place they had 
occupied in 1688. This was just below the settlement of the Setts and 
Bysacks, and above their settlement at Govindpur, at a small village, 
called Kalikata, or in English Calcutta, on the site of the present 
European commercial quarter and the Bara Bazar. Here the English 
traders lived at first ns best they could in tents, huts and boats; but 
very soon " as the result of conciliating the Nawab of Bengal's represen- 
tatives, aud of winning general confidence, Armenian and Portuguese 
merchants were attracted by the English, and as success followed 
industry, the settlement extended itself southward along the 
river's bank, bringing into the sphere of occupation the contiguous 
villages of Calcutta and Govindpur. When in course of a little time 
further a factory grew into existence, the Company's servants, who had 
learned the necessity of possessing some central stronghold, obtained 
permission, in 1696, from the Nawab's Government to surround it with 
defensive fortifications." 61 This was the old Fort William which stood 
on the site now comprised between Koilaghat Street and Fairlie Place. 
Two years later, in 1698, through the indulgence of Prince 'Azlrnn-sh- 
Shan, the grandson of the emperor Aurarjgzib, they secured the lease- 
hold rio-hts of the three villages of " Chuttanuttee, Calcutta and 
Govindpur," which henceforth formed one united settlement. Thirteen 
years later, in 1717, they obtained from the emperor Farrukhsiyar a 
further grant of 38 villages, out of which several were added to the 
three villages already amalgamated. Afterwards others were, from time 
to time, brought within the bounds of the settlement, till at last these 
combined localities formed the city of Calcutta almost as it now is. 
" The designation of Calcutta is now applied not only to our city which 
has for its component parts many old villages with histories of their 
own, but to a Parganah which comprehends the city and many villages 
at various distances from it : and this Parganah again is one of several 
which pass under the name of the District of the 24 Parganahs." 62 

The name of " Calcutta," in its English form, first occurs in two 
Reports submitted in March 1689, by Captain Heath and Job Charnock 
to the Company's Council in Madras, and refers to the second settle- 
ment of the English near Sutanuti in 1688. 5S When they returned for 

61 See Dr. Busteed's Echoes from Old Calcutta (3rd edition), p. 3. 

62 See Baboo G. D. Bysaek's paper, p. 320. 

68 See Hodges' Diaries, edited by Colonel Sir H. Yule. pp. Ixxix and Ixxxi. 

'83 



43 Annual Address. 

the third time to Siitanuti, they again settled on the lands of the 
"Calcutta" village; but the official designation of the settlement 
appears to have been " Chuttanuttee," for the "diaries" are dated 
from there. How the change of name originated and the little village of 
Kalikata came to give its name to the city of Calcutta is not yet fully 
accounted for. It seems to me that the change explains itself in this 
wise. The early diaries of the English Settlement between 1688 and 
1608 are all called " Chuttanuttee Diaries." These diaries always run 
from the December of the preceding year to the November of the 
following year. The diary for 1699, that is to say, for December 1698 
to November 1699, is the first dated from Calcutta ; for I find that 
the diary for 1704-5 is called the seventh from Calcutta. 61 It follows 
that the change of name, from Chuttanuttee to Calcutta, must have 
taken place shortly before December 1698. Now in July 1698, the 
Company became the revenue collector, for the Moghul Government, of 
the three villages Siitanuti, Calcutta, and Govindpur. In the Ain-i- 
Akbari, the village of Kalikata (Calcutta) is enumerated as one of the 
mahale or revenue subdivisions of the District of Satgaon. 65 As such it 
belongs to the fiscal survey, made in 1587, by Todar Mall, the well- 
known Finance Minister of the emperor Akbar. The villages of Siita- 
nuti and Govindpur, founded shortly before, in 1530, are not mentioned 
in the 6scal survey; they evidently lay within the fiscal subdivision of 
Calcutta. It is natural to conclude that when the English Company 
acquired the collectorate of that subdivision in 1698, they made its old 
and well-known fiscal name the official designation of their settlement, 
especially as their factory and fort lay within the limits of the village 
of Kalikata. 

For the very early age of that village a curious piece of evidence 
was discovered in 1892, by Mahamahopadhyaya Pandit Hara Prasad 
Shastri. 6 * He found in an old manuscript an account of a voyage down 
tin- river Hugli, written in 1495 by a Baijgali author named Bipra Das. 
That writer enumerates all the towns and villages which the voyager, 
a certain Cand Sadiigar, passed on both sides of the river. Among 
them occurs the village of Kalikata, but neither Siitanuti, nor Govind- 

ik See Wilson's Early Annals, p. 236, where it is called Calcutta Diary No. 7. 
The full name of the Calcutta diaries was Diary and Consultation Book of the 
London Company's Council at Fort William in Bengal. This is accounted for bv 
tlii'f.ict that the Old Fort was completed in 1697, just before the change of name 
took place. 

N> Sec Colonel Jarrett's Translation, Vol. II, p. 140. The Ain-i- Akbari was com- 
plated l'v Ahul Fazl in 1597. See also Mr. J. Beames' paper in the Journal, Royal 
Asiutic Society, for 1896, p. 102. 

** Se« bis paper in our Proceedings for 1892, p. 193. 
-1 



Annual Address. 49 

pur, which circumstance shows that while Kalikata existed in 1495, the 
other two villages did not. 

The idea still much entertained that Calcutta has received its name 
from the celebrated shrine of Kalighat on the "Old Ganges," is altogether 
wrong. Not to mention the philological difficulties which are fatal 
to the identification of Kalikata with Kalighatta, their identity is totally 
precluded by the fact that in 1495 both localities were in existence and 
occupied the same, or nearly the same, places as they do now. Bipra 
Das's voyager, having come by the town of Hugli and other places, 
passed the village of Kalikata, nnd journeying on reached Betor, near the 
modern Shibpur, and thence he went on to Kalighat, where he 
worshipped at the shrine of Kalika. The fact is that the derivation 
of Calcutta from Kalighat is one of the many utterly unfounded popular 
etymologies. Its real derivation is still quite unknown. The probability 
is that it is a word from some aboriginal language : and this would 
be only one more evidence pointing to a considerable antiquity for 
the site of Calcutta. 

With regard to the origin of the Kalighat shrine, I may add that 
according to a current tradition it was founded, early in the fifteenth 
century, by an ascetic called Jaqgal Gir Chaurangi. " One evening he 
■was performing his devotions by the bank of the " Old Ganges" which 
was then a great stream flowing south of Calcutta, when suddenly a bright 
light shone round about him, and that same night, when he had gone 
to sleep, the goddess Kali appeared to him in a dream, and told him 
that the spot was one of those holy places which had once received a 
portion of her severed body. The next day he dug up the ground, and 
proved the truth of his vision. The sacred emblems thus miraculously 
found, being the toes of her right foot, were set up for worship in a 
small wooden house on the bank of the Adi-Ganga." 57 From the original 
founder of this wooden shrine, our well-known fashionable quarter, 
now known as Chowringhee, but which at that time was a wild jungal, 
is supposed to have obtained its name. The present substantial temple 
was erected in 1809 by the Savarna Chaudharis of Behala. 

The story of the Black Hole, as you know, is intimately connected 
with the Old Fort William, which as I have already remarked, was built 
in 1696-97. At the time of that tragedy, in 1756, Calcutta " extended 
in a crescent along the batik of the river from north to south for about 
three miles (say from modern Chitpur Bridge to the site of the present 
Fort). Standing nearly midway between those limits was the little 
Old Fort. The houses of the English inhabitants were scattered in 

M See Wilson's Early Annals, pp. 129, 130. 

85 



^o Annual Address. 

large enclosures for about half a mile to the north and south of the 
Fort, and for about a quarter of a mile to the east of it. Beyond the 
English houses were closely clustered the habitations and huts of the 
natives ; the better classes of them, such as the Setts and Bysacks, 
dwelt to tlie north, the lower sort in the Bazars to the east and south." 59 
The story of the tragedy of the Black Hole is well-known, and I need 
not repeat it, but till the commencement of the period I am now review- 
ing its exact, site was very imperfectly known. For the exact deter- 
mination of it we are indebted to two members of our Society, Messrs. 
R R. Bayne and C. R Wilson. Tlie results of their investigations are 
published in our Journal, 59 and may be thus summarised. In 1880, when 
the new East India Railway Offices were being erected in Clive Street, 
the excavation made for the foundation of these Offices laid bare there- 
mains of an old wall. Mr. Bayne, who was in charge of the works, 
knowing that he was working on the locality of the Old Fort William, 
at once resolved to utilize as well as he could the opportunity of de- 
termining its topography. In February 1883, lie laid before the Asiatic 
Society the results of his investigations. Unfortunately they suffered 
under two disadvantages. In the first place, tlie portions of the old 
building actually excavated were on the northern and least interesting 
side of the Fort. In the second place, Mr. Bayne had no proper plan to 
guide liim in his conjectures as to the position and nature of the remain- 
ing portions of the Fort. When Mr. Wilson resumed the investiga- 
tions in 189], he could do so under far more favourable conditions 
owing to the erection of the New Government Offices in Dalhousie 
Square. lie also had the advantage of being guided in his excavations 
by a detailed plan of Fort William in 1753, a photographed copy of 
which was presented to the Society by Mr. T. R. Munro. He thus 
Bucceeded in discovering considerable remains of the buildings on the 
south side of the Fort, where the Black Hole and other places of interest 
had been situated. In fact, his investigations were so successful that it 
was found possible to draw up a plan of the Old Fort, accurately showing 
i-> position with reference to the modern houses now standing on or near 
its site, together with the main features of its principal buildings. He 
first discovered the true dimensions and position of the east gate of the 
Fori The gate was found to be much smaller than Mr. Bayne had con- 
jectured it would be. Its centre lay on the central line of the road in 
front of Writers' Bnildings, which has always been one of the principal 
streets of the city. In the next place. Mr. Wilson traced out, as far 

l>i Bneteed'a Echoes of Old Calcutta, p. 5. 
» Sr.- Volume l.l I. p. 105, and Vol. LX1I, p. 104. 



Annual Address. .*>! 

as was possible, the main features of the factory within the Fort, in 
which were situated the apartments of the Governor. This was in its 
day one of the finest English houses in India. It consisted of a main 
building facing the river, with two wings behind at right angles to the 
main building. Almost all the foundation walls of these wings were 
traced out by excavations, and the position of the walls of the main 
building was ascertained, although the walls themselves could not be 
traced out, as the site of the main building is at present occupied by 
the Government Opium Godowns and by the out-houses of the Custom 
House. Mr. Wilson also endeavoured as far as possible to ascertain the 
position of the south curtain, of the south-east bastion, and of that por- 
tion of the east curtain which lay between the south-east bastion and the 
east gate, together with the adjoining arcades and chambers. Con- 
siderable difficulty was experienced by him in coming to any definite 
conclusion on these points ; for, in the first place, the Post Office covers 
the site of the south-east bastion and the adjacent south curtain wall, 
and so prevents any extended excavations in this region ; and in the 
second place, the plan of the old Fort, which has elsewhere proved to 
be extremely accurate, seems at this point to fail. Still, in spite of 
these difficulties, Mr. Wilson was able to definitely fix the position 
of the south curtain wall and of three parallel lines of arches within it, 
and to show that tradition was right in asserting that the old arcade 
and arches which still stand in the Post Office compound were part 
of the old Fort. The arches of the south face of this arcade are what 
remains of the first line of arches within the south curtain, and the 
arches in the middle of the arcade are what remain of the second 
line of arches. The foundation wall of the third and innermost line 
of arches was traced out for some distance. It was found in the 
passage on the north of the Post Office. Starting from this wall, or, 
what is practically the same thing, from the north face of the Post 
Office, Mr. Wilson traced out the east curtain wall as far as the east 
gate, the inner wall containing the chambers built against the curtain, 
and the wall of the piazza or verandah running west of the chambers. 
The Black Hole prison was one of these chambers ; but to fix its exact 
position it would have been necessary to ascertain, not merely the 
positions of the curtain wall and the inner wall, which formed its 
eastern and western walls, but also the position of the cross- walls which 
formed its northern and southern boundaries, and divided it off 
from the other chambers built against the east curtain. Unfortunately 
these cross-walls were run up with hardly any foundation, and hence 
it was found extremely difficult to trace their position. One such 
cross- wall was found at a distance of about 100 ft. from the centre of 

87 



52 Annual Address. 

the east gate, and to the south of this there is another cross-wall 
which Mr. Bayne discovered in 1883, and which according to his 
theories must have been the north wall of the prison. According to 
Mr. Wilson this cannot have been the case ; because the space 
south of this cross-wall is shown by the plan of the Fort to have been 
occupied by the foot of the staircase leading to the south-east 
bastion, but he thinks it quite possible that it is the south wall of 
the prison. Concerning this and other points in the topography of 
the Fort additional information may perhaps be obtained hereafter 
by further excavations and by the examination of old records. 60 

The history of the Company's Ecclesiastical Establishment in 
Bengal from its foundation in 1677 to the close of the eighteenth 
century has been explored by another member of our Society, the 
Rev. H. B. Hyde, and published in a series of ten short memoirs. The 
materials for these researches previous to the sack of Calcutta in 1756 
were found almost wholly in the Company's archives at Westminster. 
Subsequent to that date a parallel series exists in the Vestry Records 
of St. John's Church, in the ' Ecclesiastical ' records of the old 
Mayor's Court of Calcutta, and in the Consultations of the Public and 
Military Departments of the Bengal Government. The first Chaplain 
of ' the Bay,' John Evans, had a remarkable career which ended in the 
Irish Bishopric of Meath. This Mr. Evans was Chaplain of ' the Bay' 
at the time of the founding of Calcutta. His successors Benjamin 
Adams and William Anderson promoted the building of the first Presi- 
dency Church. This occupied a site now covered by the west end of 
Writers' Buildings and, as shown by the consecration documents which 
have been found in the Bishop of London's Registry, was dedicated on 
the 5th of June, 3709, to St. Anne, doubtless with complimentary refer- 
ence to the name of the reigning sovereign. Specimens of the sermons 
of Mr* Anderson have been found in the British Museum ; they curiously 
illustrate the disorderly state of the factory at that period. The next 
three Chaplains in succession filled the fifteen years previous to 1726, 
counting four intervals of two or three years each occasioned by Chap- 
lains' deaths. The tomb of one of these victims of the climate is in the 
Dacca cemetery. During these fifteen years the project which resulted 
in the foundation of the Calcutta Charity School (now united with 
the Free School) was set afoot. The Parish Register of St. Anne's 
has been found in duplicate at the India Office, and the whole of 
it, from 1713 until the destruction of the Church by the Nawab'a 
army iu 1756, has been transcribed and added to the Records of St. 

•° See the Annual Address in our Proceedings for 1892 
b8 



Annual Address. 53 

John's Church. In 1726 arrived a Chaplain who was destined to set 
the climate for 30 years at defiance, and then to perish not by any 
Indian sickness but by suffocation in the Black Hole ; his name was 
Gervase Bellamy. He saw the old Court House, which occupied the 
site of the present St. Andrew's Kirk, built in about 1729. The build- 
ing was first intended as a school house, but soon gave shelter to the 
Mayor's Court, and became the Calcutta Town Hall. Eventuall}- Govern- 
ment took it over and still pay over the monthly rent of 800 sicca 
rupees on account of it to the Select Vestry of St. John's and the other 
Governors of the Free School. Bellamy witnessed also the furious 
cyclone of 1737, which, it appears, was not accompanied by an earthquake 
as is generally supposed, but in which the tall spire of St. Anne's was 
blown off. The traditions of this celebrated storm, as Mr. Hyde has 
shown, are much exaggerated. In 1743, Bellamy received a junior 
colleague in the Chaplaincy, the third successor of whom was Robert 
Mapletoft, who arrived in 1749. In the siege of 1756, this man was 
appointed a Captain-Lieutenant, and did good work on the defences. 
He perished among the refugees at Fulta, while Bellamy was found 
lying suffocated hand in hand with his son in the Black Hole. On 
the recovery of Calcutta from the Nawab Siraju-d-daulah, the first 
incumbent of the Chaplaincy was Richard Cobbe, R.N., who 
had accompanied Admiral Watson to Calcutta. He died after a 
few months' service. During his brief incumbency the Portuguese 
Church in Moorgihatta was taken over for English use and remained the 
presidency church until 1760. Cobbe was succeeded by Butler who in 
1758 welcomed into the settlement the celebrated S. P. C. K. Missionary 
John Zachary Kiernander. He survived to see St. John's Chapel built 
in the ruins of the old Fort in 1760. In January 1762, a month 
after his death, he was succeeded by Samuel Stavely, R.N., who 
died nine months later. His colleague, William Hirst, R.N., 
F.R.S., was one of the most accomplished men who ever belonged 
to the Bengal Ecclesiastical Establishment. A long communication of 
his, respecting the great earthquake of 1762 and also an eclipse of the 
sun in the same year, is to be found in the Transactions of the Royal 
Society. Following Hirst, William Parry succeeded as Senior Chaplain 
in 1765, and Thomas Tate in 1769. The latter had a singular ex- 
perience in being taken prisoner by the French and confined on board a 
French frigate and at the Mauritius. In both situations he suffered horri- 
ble hardships, and in the latter imprisonment he even prayed " that one 
of the soldiers might be permitted to shoot him through the head." He 
survived all his misfortunes, however, and died as first Garrison Chaplain 
of Calcutta in J 782. William Johnson became Senior Presidency Chap- 

89 



54 Annual Address. 

lain in 1784, and to his efforts is due the building by public subscription 
of the present St. John's which was consecrated in 1787. On his retiring 
from India in 1788, Thomas Blanshard became Senior and John Owen, 
Junior Presidency Chaplain. Of the latter a large private corres- 
pondence has been discovered, dated mostly from Calcutta and is not 
a little curious. In 1788 the presidency chaplains in conjunction 
with David Brown, the Garrison Chaplain, and Robartes Carr, the 
Chaplain to the Fourth Brigade, made an admirable effort to secure 
Government English Schools for the native population. Their memorial 
to Government on the subject is printed by Mr. Hyde in one of his 
memoirs. Nothing came of it, and indeed it appears to have been quite 
overlooked even by writers on Education in British India. In this same 
year the Ecclesiastical Establishment which then comprised nine 
Chaplains was put on a new footing. Brigade Chaplaincies were 
abolished and Barrackpur, Dinapur, Chunar, Berhampur, Fathgarh, and 
Cawnpnr became quasi-parishes, with resident incumbents. Mr. Hyde 
has traced out the succession of Chaplains in each appointment until the 
close of the century, and collected a great number of personal notitise 
respecting each of them, especially regarding David Brown, who even- 
tually became Senior Presidency Chaplain. He has similarly compiled 
in much detail the history of the Charity and Free Schools down to the 
close of the century. 

Writers differ much in accounting for the origin of the Charity 
School : none seem to fix the date of its beginning early enough. 
.Mr. Hyde points out that its establishment was a cherished project 
of Chaplain Briercliffe and the Society for Promoting Christian 
knowledge in 1713, and that in 1720 the scheme after many checks 
was actually afoot and Chaplain Thomlinson bequeathed Rs. 80 to- 
wards it. Mr. Hyde thinks that the school had been in existence some 
time before 1732 : perhaps 1729 is as near a conjecture as can be made 

i the date of its beginning work. It was first supported out of 
the income of the " Charity Stock " of the Church. The origin of this 
property mnst be sought very early in the history of the Chaplaincy. 
There existed in Hfigli, before the factory removed to Calcutta, an 
institution of "guardians of the poor," the funds of which arose from 
levied upon English officials of the factory who remained out 
late a) night, who swore profanely, or who neglected attendance at 
divine worship. This institution seems to have disappeared in the 

ilntion of manners in the early years of the Calcutta factory, and 
local paupers had stipends from the Company's Cash. With the 
improvement of parochial organization on the consecration of the 
I irch in 1709, such administration of charity passed, it is to be 



Annual Address. 55 

presumed, naturally into the hands of the Select Vestry, with whom 
money must have slowly accumulated after the sacred building was 
finished and furnished ; for all expenditure for repairs and estab- 
lishment must have been borne by the Company, and Church Order re- 
quired that alms should be collected at the Offertory for the benefit of 
the poor. The fund thus accumulating would have been augmented by 
legacies and donations, and it is known that the fees received for the use 
of palls at funerals went into it. The Charity Stock therefore must 
have been already of ancient origin, when its income became perma- 
nently devoted to the maintenance of the Charity School. In 1731, "an 
eminent merchant" (to be identified probably with Mr. Richard Bourchier ) 
wrote home from Calcutta that there were eight boys on the foundation 
and about 40 others. The eight foundationers were "maintained and 
clothed after the manner of the Blue-coat boys at Christ's Hospital." 
After the sack of Calcutta the School was re-opened with 20 founda- 
tioners, and duplicate promissory notes for Rs. 20,000, representing the 
Charity Stock, were granted to " the Wardens of the Parish." Within 
a few years time the Court House (or rather the portion of it used for 
Magisterial purposes) was bringing in a rent of Rs. 2,000 a year. 
This in 1767 was increased to Rs. 4,160, and in 1776 to Rs. 6,180. 
Two years later the Government had taken over the whole building 
and fixed the rent at the rate still paid, viz., Rs. 800 a month. Out 
of the revenues thus realized from the Charity Stock and the Co art 
House 20 boys were at this time maintained on the foundation of the 
School. On leaving School the boys were for the most part bound out as 
apprentices. In 1787 there were 30 boy foundationers, and four girls. 
In 1789 there Avas 25 boys and 16 girls. In 1789 the Free School 
was founded which soon coalesced with the Charity School. In 1793 
there were 40 boys and 30 girls on the ' Charity,' and slightly larger 
numbers on the " Free " foundation. In the same year the Jaun Bazar 
property was purchased which the United School now occupies. In 
1800 the two institutions were formally united, and possessed a united 
capital of something over two lakhs of rupees " independent of 
dead stock and contingencies." Some dieting bills of this period 
remain, and are curious particularly as recording prices. 18 seers 
of milk, and 25 loaves of bread each were reckoned to the rupee, six 
sheep cost Rs. 7-6-0, and Rice Rs. 1-4-0 a maund. By 5th April 1813, 
'252 children were entirely maintained by the Free School, and about 
32 day scholars were educated with the rest under Dr. Bell's system. 
By 1817 the number of foundationers had arisen to 205 boys and 
92 girls. 61 

8L The account of the Chaplaincy and the Charity School is from a note kindly 
supplied to me by Mr. Hyde. 

91 



56 Annual Address. 

And now, gentlemen, I offer }*ou my sincere thanks for the honour 
you conferred on me last year in electing me your President. It will 
always remain one of my pleasantest recollections of India that I was 
permitted to close my career in this country with that distinction ; and 
I have the additional satisfaction of knowing that in the Hon'ble 
H. H. Risley, CLE., I shall have a successor who is distinguished not 
only by his position in his own Service, but also by his achievements in 
.scientific research. 






THE COORGS AND YERUVAS, 
AN ETHNOLOGICAL CONTRAST. 



T. H. HOLLAND, A.R.C.S., F.G.S., 



GEOLOGICAL SURVEY OK IVDIA. 



[Reprinted from the Journal, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol hX X. 
Part Iff, No. 2, 1901. 



CALCUTTA : 

BAPTIST MISSION PRESS. 
1901. 



From the Journal, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LXX, Part III, 

No. 2, 1901. 

The Coorgs and Yeruvas, an ethnological contrast. — By T. H. Holland, 
A.R.C.S., F.G.S., Geological Survey of India. 

CONTENTS. 

Page. 

I. Introduction ... ... ... 59 

II. The Ethnic value of Caste ... ... 62 

III. Details of Measurements of Coorgs and Yeruvas 72 

IV. Comparison with other South Indian tribes ... 83 
V. Variatioa within the Tribes ... ... 89 

VI. Summary ... ... ... ... 95 

VII. Explanation of Plates ... ... ... 96 

I.— INTRODUCTION. 

In the little province of Coorg, which embraces a semi-isolated por- 
tion of the Western Ghats, we have an interesting instance of the way 
in which a mountainous and jungle-covered country has been turned to 
totally different purposes by two distinct races. Like many of the ab- 
original tribes of South India who have been compelled to retire to 
the unhealthy hills before the southward spread of the Aryans, the 
Yeruvas found in Coorg an asylum of refuge from the aggressive in- 
vaders. At a later period certainly, though precisely when is not known, 
the splendid race of Kodagas (Coorgs) found in the jungles of Coorg 
the means for satisfying their hunting propensities, whilst the narrow 
passes to the surrounding lowlands suited their highly developed instincts 
for predatory excursions into the eountry of their wealthier but less war- 
like neighbours. Whilst to the Yeruva the little mountain province was 
a place of retreat, to the Kodaga it was a Nature-made point d'appui 
for border raids, conducted with a view to supplementing the limited 
agricultural resources of the small plateau. 

The sporting and fighting proclivities of the Coorgs reveal them- 
selves even in their festive and religious ceremonies. From his very 
birth, when a bow-and-arrow made from the castor-oil plant is placed 
in the hands of the small baby-boy, the Coorg male is, or at least in 
the old days was, regarded as a huntsman and a warrior, whose first 
pride should be his size and physical strength. The selective influences 
arising from this have combined with many healthy habits to make the 
Coorgs the finest race, without exception, in South India. Gymnastic 
feats and skill in the use of arms form some part of nearly every fes- 
tival in Coorg, and practically the whole of the rejoicings at the end 

1 



gQ Coorgs and Yeruvas. 

of the seed-time for the celebration of the Kail murta, when, after 
incense is burned and offerings made to the household collection of 
weapons, an athletic meeting is held on the uru-mandu, or village green, 
which serves every function of the old Roman forum. 

Out of a total population of 173,055 at the time of the last census, 
the two largest castes peculiar to the province — the Coorgs and 
V.-i-uvas— numbered 32,611 and 14,209 respectively. 1 It is with these 
two peculiar tribes that this note exclusively deals. The measurements 
herein recorded were made during the field season 1897-98, whilst I 
was in charge of the Geological Survey of the Province. For facilities 
afforded me for this purpose I have to thank in the first place, Mr. H. 
J I. Bisley, C.I E., for the loan of a set of anthropometric instruments 
and literature on the subject, and Mr. G. F. Meiklejohn, Commissioner 
of Coorg, who directly or through his subordinates, removed the diffi- 
culties of prejudice and suspicion with which the native naturally views an 
official collection of data about his person and private property. 8 To 
Lieut.-Col. D. S. E. Bain, I.M.S., I am indebted for the means of measur- 
ing the few Coorg prisoners in the Mercara jail. The data obtained from 
these, it is not uninteresting to record, do not noticeably disturb the 
averages obtained by measurement of their more fortunate fellow- 
tribesmen who are living on the other side of the prison-walls and have 
not heen noticed to exceed the " elastic limit " of the law. 

Because of the differences of opinion now entertained with regard 
to the ethnic value of the different castes in India, I have, in this note, 
considered it necessary to make a short analysis of existing opinions, with 
a. view to discovering what is essential and what is merely incidental in 

l II. A. Stnnrt, Coorg Census Report, 1891, pp. 2 and 38. The coffee-planting 
Industry of Coorg accounts for the very large number of male immigrant labourers, 
most of whom (luring the slack season return to the low countries. It is on account 
of this annual ebb and Bow of males that such a disparity as 8 : 10 of females to 
males appears in the Censns Report, as well as the excess of deaths over births. 
Because of the different periods of the year at which the returns were made the 
population of the province in 1891 appeared to be less by 2'94 per cent, than in 
18S1, whereaB the Coorgs themselves had increased by 20 63 per cent, in the same 
period. 

8 The Yeruvas conceived the plausible theory that the Chief Commissioner, 
having first mado a tour throngh the country and convinced himself of the existence 
of able-bodied men, requested me to follow immediately for the purpose of 
lining, by measurement, those who were fit for sacrifice on theN.-W. Frontier, 
where they said a certain number of men must be killed before the country could 
be quieted. Knowing the readiness of the Teruva for flight and the fact that the 
impediments bo his departure were, by his peculiar mode of life, always few, one 
had, out of regard for the hospitable coffee-planters, to be careful not to give cause 
for ili<> propagation of mich a ridiculous rumour. 

2 



Coorgs and Yeruvai. 61 

the differences between the Indian tribes and castes. An attempt is made 
to show the value of recording individual measurements for analysis 
by the graphic method, iustead of, or in addition to, the shorter, but 
less satisfactory, system of recording averages. The record of indi- 
vidual measurements permits of an examination of the degree of vari- 
ation for each character, and affords a means for detecting any simul- 
taneous variation of two or more physical characters, indicating roughly 
whether the race is a recent blend of dissimilar elements, or is com- 
paratively pure. The present paper is thus to a limited degree an 
attempt to contribute some assistance towards the solution of the 
problem of discriminating physical characters which arc deep-lying and 
of ethnical significance from those which are transient and variable 
amongst the Indian tribes. 

I have confined myself purely to the physical characters of the 
tribes, and have not attempted to treat of their manners and 
customs, which I do not believe can be reliably studied by one imper- 
fectly acquainted with the language and limited to a short stay in the 
country. Owing to the mutability of the language, customs and reli- 
gion of a tribe, the evidence of such ethnographical details is a safe 
index to racial affinities only in the hands of an expert who is conscious 
of the many ways in which a new comer can be unwittingly deceived by 
superficial observations. As many of the notes which I have made 
concerning the ethnography of the Coorgs and Yeruvas are in general 
mere verifications of the previously published accounts of the tribes by 
Moegling, Richter and others, their publication in this note would be of 
no scientific value. A record of these will probably be included in the 
forthcoming Census Report. 



fy 2 Coorgs and Yeruvcts. 

II.— THE ETHNIC VALUE OF CASTE. 
The Rev. G. Richter 8 has given great offence to many Coorgs by 
classing them with the Dravidian tribes around and refusing to regard 
them as " Aryan Hindus." He states that in " physiognomy and bodily 
characteristics " they differ from the other Dravidian tribes in no more 
than a degree, which can be accounted for by civilization and social 
institutions, that they are a tribe more from position than genea- 
logy, and cannot be said to be of distinct origin. He regards their 
presumption to be of Kshatriya or Rajput descent to be without the 
■lightest foundation in history or tradition, and considers that there is 
no evidence obtainable from their customs, language, or social and 
religions institutions for such an assumption. Richter groups the 
Coorgs with the Nuchas, but says it ought to be their pride to discard 
all notion of caste altogether, and to stand upon their own merits as 

< lo orgs. 

The last of these statements is the only one which my observations 
would lead me to fully endorse. Although the Coorgs have been hindu- 
iz.-d in religion they are notably far from being orthodox, and have 
always been most refractory subjects for the Brahmans. Their social 
institutions strike any new comer as different to those of the tribes 
around, whilst their traditions have been supplanted by late Brahman 
manufactures of the kind of the Kaveri Purana.* But these charac- 
teristics are only a degree more reliable than language as an index to 
racial affinities. All these — religion, social institutions and language — 
may undergo most thorough change without an appreciable infusion of 
foreign blood and consequent variation in physical characteristics. Tbe 
Coorgs speak a Dravidian language, 6 but all those who speak Dravidian 
languages are not necessarily of the same race, any more than those 
who speak Aryan languages are immediately related by blood. 6 Dr. 
Qnstav Oppert, who assumes the racial unity of all the different tribes 
of India, classes the Coorgs with the Gaudian division of the Bharatas 
(pre-Aryans) on account of their name. 7 Those tribes whose names are 

* Ethnographical Compendium on the Castes and Tribes found in the Province 
of <"..<>rt:, 1887, pp. 2, 3 and 19. 

* Of. Richter, Manual of Coorg, 1870, p. 215 ; L. Rice, Gazetteer of Mysore and 
. org, Vol. Ill, 1878; p. 85. 

t KodiKja is a dialect of Kannada (CanareBe) bearing a close relation to the 
f -l'l'-r forms of the language according to Dr, Caldwell (Grammar of the Dravidian 
langn '■ • [nl to,, p. 361. 

6 Cf K.-nl Penka, Originn Ariacm, 1888 \ W.Z.Ripley, " The Races of Europe," 
lR'.''.' Chap II and literature therein quoted. 

<> ■■ inhabitants of Bharatavarsa, 1893, p. 162. 

t 



Coorgs and Yci uv.is. #3 

derived from mala, Dr. Oppert names Dravidiafis, 5 and those -whose 
names are derived from Jco he speaks of as Gaudians, hence the Coorgs 
(Kodaga) are included in the latter division. On this hasis of classifi- 
cation we find the Coorgs grouped with such essentially distinct types as 
the thick-lipped, dolichocephalic, platyrhine, black-skinned, stunted 
Kurumba ; the tall, hairy, dolichocephalic Toda — tribes which have as 
little blood relationship to one another as that which exists between 
Bishop Johnson, late of Calcutta, and Bishop Johnson of Nigeria. 

With what we know of the anthropometry of Indian tribes, a mere 
glance at Dr. Oppert's Gaudian category 9 is sufficient to confirm his 
own words : — " it is impossible to be too cautious in drawing up such 
lists." 

1 am not prepared to offer any opinion as to whether the Coorgs 
were amongst the inhabitants of Bharatavarsa when the Aryan invasions 
commenced, or whether they themselves have any Aryan blood in them. 
But there is one conclusion which seems to me to be perfectly justifiable 
from a survey of their physical characteristics, namely, that of all the 
tribes and castes which have so far been examined in South India, 
Brahmans included, the Coorgs show less evidence than any other of an 
admixture of the blood which finds its typical expression in such tribes 
as the Kurumba, Teruva, Irula and Paniyan, who are but the South 
Indian cousins of the Kols and Gonds, and the modern representatives 
of the Dasyus — the black-skinned, "noseless " savages who opposed the 
early Aryan intrusion. If the S'udras originated from the first cross 
between the Aryans and the aboriginal tribes, the Coorgs have fewer 
claims to be classed as S'udras than any tribe or caste in South India : 
on this point they have good reason to resent Bichter's assertions. But 
if, as Risley has pointed out, there is a general correspondence between 
social precedence in caste and degree of appoximation to the Aryan 
type, the Coorgs may well take Richter's advice, and despise all notion 
of caste; for, judging by such characters as the stature, nasal index, 
comparative length of upper limbs, facial angle and colour of skin, the 
Coorgs take a high place amongst the people of the South, and in all 
these respects, as well as in the characters of the cranium, they show 
fewer signs of aboriginal blood than even the Brahmans of the Madras 
Presidency. 

Whether or not there is any Aryan blood in the Coorgs is a 
question which forms a part only of the larger one as to whether 
there is any appreciable Ar}-an blood at all in the native races of 
India. Assuming that Penka's tall, dolichocephalic, blonde and 

8 Op. cit., p. 13. 9 Op. cii., p. 112. 



Ooorgs and Y< ruins, 

leptoihine Scandinavian is flic typical Aryan, Mr. Risley has des- 
cribed the gradual fading oat and dilution of these characteristics 
from the point of Aryan irruption on the N.-W. frontier of India in the 
south a; d south-easterly directions towards Bengal. The weak point 
trguuienl lies in the doubtful nature of the premises on which 
it is built ; for a huge number of competent authorities consider the 
brachyoephalic neolithic race, who built the lake-dwellings of Switzer- 
land and North Italy, to be more nearly related to the race who spoke 
the undivided Aryan language than Penka's Scandinavians were. The 
cephalic index is, therefore, the most dangerous of ethnic characters to 
sate) Si of Aryan relationship, and, indeed, no single one of the 

BUrementfl usually made should be relied on as a racial test. But in 
this particular question the nasal index is of supreme importance; for, 
whether we regard the dolichocephalic Teuton or his brachyeophalic 
neighbour as the original Aryan type, both contrast most strongly 
with the aboriginal tribes of India in being distinctly leptorhine. 

If now we take the nasal index as a test of Aryan affinities 
amongst the castes of India, we find that instead of there being a fad- 
ing out of the Aryan strain as we pass south-eastwards along the Gan- 
belt, we get far some castes, notably the Biahmans, an improve- 
ment in the shape of the nose as we pass from the N.-W. Provinces to 
Behar and thence to Bengal, 

In the case of the Brahmans, for example, Risky 's figures for the 
nasal indices are : — 

Nasal index. 
H -W.P, Prahmans ... ... 74-5 

Behar „ ... ... ... 73-2 

Beneal „ ... ... ... 79-4 

BiHar variation holds good for a lower caste, the Godlns : 

Nasal index. 
N-WPGoalas ... ... ... 809 

Behar .. ... ... - - 

Bengal ,, ... ... 7I--2 

icrain for the despised Chamars : — 

Nasal index 
N.-W. P. Chamars 

Behar 

Bengal Muchis ... ... 74.9 

This distribution of the nasal indices is thus just the reverse of 

• -t if the high cast. ■ the south-east of the 

their characteristic from Aryan sources The evi- 



'. :<: '..: : >■■.. ':'■ -< 



wilt Ac varhatiim. » erf t ilk mmBbbk, fipfly, hw miii inist fro*** 
:-.i.; ^'.•_ i ui.;i::*';i.i.....»T-. v •.- «..: A-;t: ■. .u--..;- v-.- ■; t/..:. >.-.;■.<-..: ; 
\*-A.:.,,i v.vfcj-;.* ..-. * a/: i.-. . • v:,-; :,• -.••-.* v..:..; ■.--•■.!..; v..* :-^:;riii- ; 
::-l-\ .-';■-.; i ; il ■.*.;.••'.'■.•. .: ; ":;: 

J :-. !»-..; !-.,:>.: v. .: : -:;y.^-".i,-'t,-a,;;x.^t,: :. : :.*-..-.•■ 
umpfid feeywul all pwsftfc smsgniittaaii, war «fo I fefflbxr 
]•-- : r,: '. >..-.:.* . < .v..-...-*-.-.:.* '. : tf.-. iiuvr, v.r.,.. -i,v.. ■..-.:- 
b. .;. :» v. .•■* ! -.:-.-i-. ,,-. ; > *i*v. -.h . -•.....: . ..?.rr, :,>■> -..v. v w. :.:.* i'-, : 
• -. . . : v -•..<>:■• > i-. .-. -■: :i ::.*. A.> -. •. c -r.'-.i'. :.> ..••.a 

•.•■'.•■. ...i - ~ i: ii: .•■*!•.-. -.^:u'- -. v •-'•. •••..=: ■. :.v»'.;.... •.■-.:> : V.:l, ,>*;'. 
■rwrfy, 4ft* xcfaiasmilbsp «C tibe Gangs Ito JOnr stt^Utanriog o»sbk, I 
v ".. ."i-a»i - u.:. ;'-„-. v ::••— .r. > »■>: - .- if." i.,. t ,..-i'; t i.-r :.u, v.: v :..•.:-. 
Itofc— hlM IIMll-ftTJ 

Mr. Biafeyiro Ihb stetofl ifeat tribe i»mariHifl&<minnB^«antenQetettBTOaB 

r-'-i-, }..;.:»-..« : J ;--.* :->. v.-. : i .-.-. :u ; v; ::v--i., i .:.■;..•.*•». -, -.,; v..* 
-.■ : iy.r.-.i. ',:■-.•■-.:-.■'.. -:ry.-. ■-. ..i. .-...*:« :.>. v. ::-.. •. :.: - : -.a.,-. 
:;' -:.:■; r.: IT.- ■:: > r. ,-..>. .. . :f ;'ik:t. .:■;.. .>. ". ^ -^n.. :.. ,r:V-.i ..-.-_.-. ,• ;>-.;,v : „i 
-,.-. -2".-. :~i.;.:. :.:u;w -. : -. : -. \:\..> ::- *■;>•-;*-.: '. \ :>■..:.%* v .>•:.;. v; {•_,- 
: V- *<"-•-'-.». :o>\; ■.-. -. i^*o:\i..:*: v •■ >, ::-— l ,i. --. --.;->;,■•>.,. : ; -.- t/.i: -..••.>-... 
^-•-,- ; -•- ^ '■--'-•. l :•:*•- :..-.i v -..; i l u.u- \.-:. ; ::?-:-- ^ •;;:--. 

L:: =" T J •"■:•>" t . :,lx..^ ;: l :>■*. : .<: :",--; :>;>;i>.^: :.-. :,; •> - lV v 



-.- :' ILL: :.. i.: : Lui:::'..' ^:>n.^ .::• : iw.t.ir^: y-.:-,.---. i.y lj-...: 

I'l :■-. i'a'.'l '. 1 ".It "•: ;"V.t'.r.. ; "':.'.;V': 

fl„Mg.lferiMa M W B ton nro tfh^tfte 

'* i- ""-! *i, I'L* J' ;'' '- : - '■ '- !.£.: " i.h't ~T *i".V .>1. i.l'I T I " ".". ". VI " v;: 

i;. ' - 

Mr. C. J- OHDlnDBdni ftas sites g fllnatHtd Mr. Biidbjfe n iBew g » w"rir rnii 

.~ -. ;•'.' i.i-i :i: "ci; :.: ""t riv : ; - 1.1. ;;i., "t;:.-- 



. - 
D. €. 1.. HSftctemi. ?uiTn.i Dbubih Dfcgfan MSB,, fu I * I 






Gd . - rgs ami Yeruias. 

ruent the Chuhra or scavenger of the Punjab, with a nasal index of 
I " _. is not much inferior to the Brahman of the N.-W. Provinces with 
a nasal index of 7-i G. This Mr. O'Donnell regards as a singular con- 
firmation of Mr. Xesfield*s assertion that a "stranger -walking through 
the clfiss-rooms of the Sanskrit College at Benares would never dream 
of supposing: that the students seated before him were distinct in race 
and blood from the scnveiii.'ers who swept the roads." 

There seems to be a tendency in this argument to accentuate the 
apparent difference between Mr. Ri>le\'s standpoint and the position 
taken op by Mr. Nesfield. In the first place, Mr. Risley's argument 
reeardintr the fading out of the Aryan type in the south-easterly 
direction premises a viixture of blood and dilution of the Aryan strain. 
It is consequently not surprising that a high caste in the X.-W. Pro- 
vinces shows an average nose only a degree superior to that of a lower 
caste in the Punjab. It is also to he expected that where an admixture 
of blood has taken place comparatively recently in the history of a caste 
instances of atavism will Le specially prominent. In consequence of the 
latter circumstance, it stems to me that Mr. O'Donnell's further 
comparison within the same area of platyrhine Brahman individuals 
with leptorhine Chamar individuals picked out of Mr. Ridley's tables is 
still perfectly consistent with the assumption that the Bengal Brahmans 
are on an average of a higher type than the Bengal Chamais. Where 
both are mixtures it is natural to expect individuals in both castes 
reverting in some one particular to the pure constituent types. It will be 
shown with reference to the Coorgs that it is important to note that the 
individual may reveit to an extreme type in one particular feature, and 
may vary in the opposite direction in all other characters; that is to 

;n a tribe which is the result of, for instance, a mixture of a 
dolichocephalic platyrhine race with a brachy cephalic leptcrhine race, 
we shall find that the leptorhine individuals are not necessarily more 
brachycephalic than those that are platyrhine, nor are those that are 
most brachycephalic necessarily more leptorhine than the others. On 
the contrary, we shall find individuals which are, say, distinctly 
platyihine exhibiting marked brachycephalism or any other featuie 
which especially characterises the other constituent of the blend. 

If this circumstance had been kept in view we should probably not 
have had platyrhine Brahmans compared with leptorhine Chamais 
Both castes are the result of blood mixtures and consequently a 
platyrhine Brahman may in all other respects sliow more Aryan 
charnctenstica than the average individual of his caste. Conversely, a 

:hine Chamar may be most markedly aboriginal in every other 
fiature. Mr. U'Donnell has t icked out from amongst Mr. Rislev's 



j s.:v; .i- 'l'-..-. --. r- -■-■■ '■'-'■-'. ■- ::-^\::~: "■■ z. \z.r \- ~v\ ^ -f ' . . : _ 
MucLis ' "Ike average oral index of the Bengal Baiau is 

sad th«t of the Bengal Miehi" 82l8 ; that ie-tosaj, these fire 

::: •:.'..-;.:.:. ; .= " •:'.. v.r '. •: :. • •'.- I '. '. . - : "". -- :::-. ■-. •:: r.: -. --;.■•: : : 
:--. :-; •.-.:.;. : ; \.; ■. r..:^ {.:■-. ':.=-.: :.■■■. l~ .-.; ■;■ ,r- .: : ■■- \. ■-. zz ' ■ \ 
aboriginal in other respects than their ifespeetrre averages. Of the 
:Vr.v,.--t " . :.--. :;::;: -.ir: A:.".- :jz* f-:zz. :^e i '-..;.-. r "- - . ~- 5 -"i 
v. .civc : .c :•.:. ' =.. .. . :. : -.-: : •_: .: : .: -.;-:;.: :. . l --..; : ; ■:.-_-. ;: .-„= ;._.-.- 
f nl significance. The aboriginal head is certainlj doliehneephalie the 
Aryan possibly so. Bnt the two tjpes adnrittedfj differ in s tainr e : 
'.'--. ~zi :•;.:- ::-':.■ ui; :. . :■•■.' -.^= '.: -.;;•:--: Arj-.i -r:-i:^ :.: ;- \-_ i ;--:■_. 
distinct! j taller than the aboriginal tribes. If then Mr. O'Donnefi's 
z -.;.-■: :■- ii- :- ;- -.z.:~ .: <-.-. -•:- ■':.-. -_! :. -.1 :-:: : : i~.L zz\ i - !;•! z„:- 
'..::"".■: ._'.:.:.. ; --..-:-. ::■•:. .--..•.-:-.- : ; -.:- vr;;;..^ ;: -... •;.; '-. .-. - : 1 ;. ;--•= 
t: Vv - .::■.: :':.:.i. : .t -:.'-: j- :: : ::_:■.-- ±-. -. zz.\.:z-z :: ii..:: :z.- 
zh^Hi-,-. .-. ::-■■: ■;■---. ■■:/' ~ -. i: : : i :. :\>z-.2 :~: :!t i..:i : ■.--. 
Mr. Bislej*s tables, that these fixe are aetnallly taller than the aTerage bj 
1 2 ::-. ?:~-t-- :- v. : r --..>-:- : J :. -. :;.:v, :;r xivi-r:? :_r 
C -•::_•- ,.l;. 7-::^:.! ~.". ='_-.- •. r -i:^ ::.::?■ r.^'.-:'= :; : -r __•: ;• 
:—■--: ■■ ■. :.: -: •:;;- :. : _ : :- : -.' :'-•: i"T:-i^ ;.t ^:: r-r:^-.?.i.r - 
r:.'.:riy::r::.i'-::- '.-rlc- r-r-ro::? •.: :?^ ■:: :Le io::':^-^ :.-::e- ~ 
:.:^ " -t !e: .■••.::. -.Q-r *' -l -.L^-ir :-.^:;.- :.-- i : :•- :-.r ;.- -.z-.\: - --.z^:: ■ 
in other respects. This fact, and the other to which I have aHaded 
i'y.vr. r.'iii^'v. :'• e ~:i-i - i'.~: .: -• 1 -:.::.: :i ^::^ - ^ :■:-..- •.- ~ ::1 :'= : t 
result of comparaiiTelj leeent blood mixture, seem to hare been lost 
Bii'- : :: r.v :;. ;-fT vrL; r-r-^r :.: : ^ : ■_•: — :" ^ ^:L:__; ;=t:t:::- ~: ._ 
distinguish the high caste Hindus from the aboriginal tribes,, and, to a 

; 
!:i- ::-. : r -•. -.-:: ■■- • . :-; .'. -r:j -■■ I : --.'.-. ci:r«s -•.-": ;::-.^- , 
the c haraetetn of the individuals measnred, we see that the ethnic 

c.\-'- z .\:r :.j._ ■ :-:,-: ::-.: :r:~ :;.:•: ■.'/.-. ~::i : e =-:•::;.. :r-::r. ^lt i- ;^ 
er.:.:..c. :1:~ ;i-:r- ...::j:: ', L ; . •• -rr. ii: i i =:;- ;: t !; — 
.: -•..:.l :.■:-..:.. - :-a;.«r .::- = . 7 :".i:.§::'7 :_-:. i:>t: 1: i :.'..: _r :-.-_ i.: ; :^ 

; !': : ." :-:::'-.:.:::■; 1.= 7: -,-!u':= ~ -.--■■ ■ . - ::.- ] - t t f ,,> ri : - - 

L-; - • - i= Ml:! • ~i t ;■.•»= ..tu i" : .::i_: - :.:::;.;- :';r ::::;, .- „ ..: 

lao» tae Midu of Bengal dcee wit differ mack from tiie Ckunr of Behar asl the 
P^ in ethnic -i——*— r he is djatinrtly of a higBer 

c"7 ..11..^. . f :i-r : - r;: f t-i_: 7 :". . t_^- :-_* 
:' z-.:..- .' ".7 



-' 



Coorgs and Yeruvas. 



ordinary section paper. We find that whilst there is an overlap- 
ping of the three curves, the crests of the curves, around which the 
maximum number of individuals are grouped, are arranged in order of 
social rank, and by doing this for the same three castes in, for instance, 
15. liar and in the North-West Provinces we find that the same order is 
exhibited by, for example, the Brahmans, Goalas and Chamars, repre- 
senting the high, mean and low ranks respectively. 

Table I. 

Classification of noses of Behar Brahmans, 
Goalas and Chamars. 





Individuals in each group. 


Nasal indices in groups. 


Brahman. 


Goala. 


Chamar. 


A. Below 60 

B. 60-65 

C. 65-70 

D. 70-75 

E. 75-80 

F. 80-85 

Q, 85-90 

H. 90-95 

J. 95-100 

K. Above 100 


7 

IS 

16 

16 

7 

1 

2 


2 

3 

13 

13 

32 

28 

5 

3 

1 


1 

3 

6 

10 

12 

19 

9 

2 



Tho contrast in this table is noticeable, but is much more evident 
when expressod graphically as in figure 1, where the crests at C, E and 
G are in the order of social precedence. 



I I 



Coorgs and Yeruvas. 



69 




Fig. 1. — Comparison of nasal indices of Behar Brahman s, Goal as 
and Chamars. 

Table II. 

Classification of noses of N.-W.P. Brahmans, 

Goalas and Chamars. 



Nasal indices in groups. 


Individuals in each group. 


Brahmans. 


Goalas. 


Chamars. 


A. Below 60 

B. 60-65 

0. 65-70 

D. 70-75 

E. 75-80 

F. 80-85 

G. 85-90 

H. 90-95 

J. 95-100 

K. Above 100 


2 

8 

18 

26 

25 

10 

5 

4 

2 


1 

2 

6 

10 

24 

25 

14 

14 

2 

2 


1 
1 

5 
14 
21 
31 
17 
5 
4 



These figures are expressed graphically in figure 2, which shows the 
same order of nasal indices as in the case of the corresponding castes 
in Behar. 

LI 



70 



Coorgs and Ycruvas. 




ta 

8 

e 



r c 












&» 
£ 



Tlii.s analysis of Mr. Risley's figures seems to confirm his conclu- 
sion that there is a substantial agreement between the ethnic charac- 
ters and the social status of the Hindu castes. But we are as far as 

from proving that the features of the higher castes are due to Aryan 

i ; they might just as well be due to artificial selection in the past, 

(he superior type having usurped and maintained the superior position! 

: ly unable to prove that these differences are due to Aryan 

blood, hut it in even doubted by some prominent authorities that a dis- 

L2 



Coorgs cmd Yeruvas. 71 

tinct Aryan race ever existed at all. Still less is it possible to define 
what its ethnic characteristics were. 13 

One generalization, however, appears to be permissible, namely, by 
whatever process it has been brought about, whether by infusion of 
foreign blood or by racial differentiation, there is a physical contrast 
between the average high caste Hindu and the aboriginal tribe. If we 
regard the physical characters of the former to be of a high type, and 
of the latter to be of a lower type, then of all the castes we know in 
South India the Coorgs rank amongst the highest. In all these res- 
pects—colour of skin, stature, nasal index and length of fore-limbs — 
they are superior to the Brahmans of the same area, and if the Brah- 
mans, representing the highest of all the castes in the South, retain 
their position by purity of blood, then the Coorgs may well take 
Richter's advice and despise all caste. 

IS Cf. Ripley, The Races of Europe, 1899, chap. xvii. 



15 



72 



Coorgs and Yeruvas. 



III.— DETAILS OF MEASUREMENTS OF COORGS 
AND YERUVAS. 

The physical characteristics selected for measurement are those 
recommended by Mr. Risley in his " Anthropometric Instructions." 14 

Some of these measurements are for the present of doubtful racial 
significance, and they fire consequently not considered in the tables 
arranged below for comparing the Coorgs with the other tribes of the 
South of India. 

I have considered it essential to record the individual measure- 
ments for the use of those who may subsequently develope any form 
of analysis which does not now occur to me, and I have had frequent 
occasion to wish my predecessors had done the same. Mere averages 
express but a very small portion of the truth, and permit to a limited 
degree only the comparison of one race with another. 



Tabib III. 
Individual Measurements of Coorgs. 





_, 




















43 










■+3 








dc 


r*J 






43 


<D 










P 










to 
















| 


DQ 


ja 






CD 






EH 




a 



ID 

SO 






























o 

.0 
S 


d 


6 

1* 




■ 




s 

C -w 


'EL 

CO 

(B 


3 

c -» 


in 

bo 








«H 

CM 


"o £ 

3 
.2 3 


£ 


*S £ 
.211 


T3 cS 


a 


bO 










& oc 






<b 


S "S 


D 


eS x 




fc 


< 


«3 


w 


(2 


O 


« 


w 


w 


J 


« 


O 


Ph 


8 


1 


25 


161 


1G8 


104-3 


74 


46*0 


eo 


119 


250 
24-0 


15-5 


450 


279 


113 


2 


31 
39 

37 


164 

164 
171 


1G7 
1GH 
171 


101'8 
1024 


80 


48-8 


85 


123 


14-6 


435 


26-5 
26-6 
26*3 


109 


3 


82 


60-0 


87 


120 


242 


14*8 


437 


11-2 


4 


1000 


87 


50-9 


89 


127 


251 


14*7 


450 
461 


114 


6 


26 


105 


173 


104*9 


85 


51*5 


81 


124 


252 

25 


15*3 


27-9 


109 


8 


26 
31 
29 
33 


175 
1G9 


ITU 
173 


1023 


88 


51-3 


91 


130 


14-3 


48-2 
453 


27'5 
26-8 


120 


7 


102 4 


84 


49-7 


8G 


125 


249 


14-7 
15-2 


115 


K 


166 

173 


173 

17G 


104-2 


82 


49-4 


8fi 


125 


253 


4G-7 


28-1 


112 


D 


101-7 


86 


49*7 


87 


128 


245 


14-2 


46-8 


27*1 


110 



I \- 



W Jowrm ifcjSoc. Benp., Vol. LXI1 (1893), Tart III. 



Cuorgs and Yeruvas. 
Table III. (Continued.) 



u 

s 

p 


6 

to 

< 


£ 

u 

p 

c3 
02 


00 

6 

u 

03 

ew 
O 

P 

03 

On 

GO 


Ratio of span to 
stature. 


u 
'Ec 

00 

O 
A 

° 


Ratio of chest to 
stature. 


be 
_c 

'So 

"53 
W 


a 

ffl 
9 

be 

'53 

* 1 


to 
p 
s> 

o 
o 

■H 

-13 
«4-l 


o 

o 

o 

c p 
.2 "* 

PS 


IS 

p 
o 


Ratio of cubit to 
stature. 


OJ 

u 
<o 

to 
a 

en 

is 

3 


10 


27 

34 
25 
25 
28 
25 
35 
32 


175 


184 


105'2 


89 


50-8 


90 


130 


250 


14-3 


481 
478 


27*5 


121 


11 


171 
176 
170 
176 
167 
166 
172 


179 
186 
176 
181 
173 
169 
172 


104*7 


80 
81 
78 
82 


45-7 


88 


126 


26-2 
251 


15-3 


273 


111 


12 


105-7 


47*7 


85 
85 


127 
125 


14-2 


48 5 


27*6 11"8 


13 


103-5 


45-9 


25G 


149 


452 


26-6 
27*5 


11-2 


14 


102*8 


46-6 


88 


130 


251 


14-3 


484 


11-7 


15 


103-6 


79 
80 


47-3 

48-2 


85 
86 


124 


24-8 


14-9 


45'8 


27-4 


115 


16 


101-8 


124 


23 3 


14-0 


455 
470 


274 


114 


17 


100-0 


83 


48 3 


88 


129 


239 


13*9 


27 3 


113 


18 


40 


164 


169 


103-1 


77 
81 
83 

82 


47*0 


87 


124 


252 


15-8 


450 


27"4 


110 


19 


29 
29 
27 
39 
40 
28 


160 
179 


166 
176 


103*7 


50-6 


81 


119 


232 


145 

14-4 


43-8 
48-8 
50-5 


27-4 


105 


20 


98-3 


46*4 


94 


133 


25-8 


273 

28-5 


11-6 


21 


177 
165 
158 


187 


105-6 


46-3 


91 


131 


266 


15-0 


122 


22 


180 


109-1 


83 


50-3 


84 


122 


239 


145 


47-2 


28-6 


11-8 


23 


167 


105-7 


81 


51-3 


82 


118 


235 


14-9 


445 


28-1 


105 


24 


164 


174 


106-1 


81 


494 


83 
87 


122 


249 


15*2 


46-3 


28-2 


11-0 


25 


42 
35 


167 
182 


173 
181 


103*6 


83 
86 
79 


49-7 


125 


254 


15*2 


47-7 


28-6 


146 


26 


99*5 


47*3 


90 


13* 


27-0 


14-8 


48-3 


26-5 


115 


27 


29 
38 
23 
30 


177 


179 


101-1 


44-6 


92 


133 


26- 1 


14-7 


475 


26-8 


110 


28 


159 


164 


103*1 


81 


50*9 


83 


119 


24-2 


15-2 


443 


27*9 


110 


29 


169 


174 


103 


87 


51-5 
49-4 


87 


125 


248 


14-7 


47-2 


27'9 


11-4 


30 


166 


168 


101-2 


82 


86 


124 


251 


15-1 


46-1 


27*7 
28 3 


110 


31 


25 


163 


170 


104-3 


78 


47'9 


85 
87 


122 

124 


242 


148 


46-2 


114 


32 


35 


1G8 


176 


104-8 


82 


48-8 


24-8 


14-8 


484 


28-8 


11-9 



15 



7t 



Coorys and Ytriaas. 





Cephalic 




Nasal — 

1 ■s 


a 

01 


1 . - 
1 Si ■ r c 


■5 


a 
5 
s- 

t. .= 
S 

— ' 


M 

© 

"O 

u 
a 
*5 
S 
6 

CD 

a 
Szi 




J 


it 


S 

s 

n 




S 


e 
s 

h 


01 

b 

"° 
c 

a 

i "I 

>o so 

►5 | s 


3* 

s 

s 

js 


L? £\ £ 

° .2 
s \ - 


"el 
1 


i 


177 


14 9 


84 


46 


36 


78 


102 


130 


78 


93 11-8 


127 


69 


2 


180 


148 


82 


1 46 


37 


80 


94 


132 


72 


100 128 


128 


69 


3 


185 


14 9 


80 


51 


38 


74 


100 


142 


70 


101 12-4 


123 


70 


4 


10 


14-8 


78 


52 


39 


75 


102 


133 


76 


10-1 


132 


130 


71 


5 


182 


143 


78 


46 


40 


86 


10-4 134 


77 


10-3 J 12-0 


116 
124 
120 
124 


66 


6 


188 


140 


74 


54 


3o 


65 


110 


138 


79 


101 


126 


70 


7 


180 


fe-a 


84 


52 


40 


76 


108 


14-3 


75 


105 


12-6 


71 


8 


183 


144 


78 


49 


39 


79 


105 


13 5 


78 


100 


12-4 


72 


9 


173 


149 


85 


51 


38 


74 


97 


136 


71 


9-7 


118 


121 1 68 


10 


185 


151 


81 


66 


38 


68 


106 


132 


80 


98 


116 


119 69 


11 


185 


144 


78 


53 


37 


70 


97 


13-4 


73 


98 


118 


120 


67 


12 


18-4 |l4-7 


79 


57 


37 


65 


102 


133 


76 


10-2 


124 


121 
113 


71 


13 


19-4 


153 


79 


56 


39 


69 


104 


138 


76 


104 


11-8 


70 


14 


188 


14-7 


78 


53 


39 


74 


10 2 


132 


77 


100 


12-2 


122 
124 
120 
118 
115 


69 


15 


18-y 


145 


76 


54 


33 


62 


102 


13-3 1 77 


10 5 


13-0 


71 


16 


195 


149 


76 


53 


39 


70 


101 


132 


76 


110 


132 


73 


17 


173 


145 


84 


48 


32 


66 


100 


126 


79 


96 


114 


63 


18 


17-4 


144 


82 


56 


38 


68 


105 


13 4 


78 


104 


120 


67 


w 


168 


150 


88 


52 


36 


69 


10-3 


134 


78 


102 


11-0 


108 


67 


20 


182 


138 


76 


50 


36 


72 


11 1 


131 


84 


102 


1 16 


114 


67 


21 


187 


154 


82 


53 


37 


70 


104 


140 


74 


10-6 


120 


113 
113 
117 


71 


22 


104 


149 


77 


50 


35 


70 


110 


136 


81 


108 


no 


67 


23 


171 


152 


89 


51 


3 5 


70 


95 


13 4 


70 


9 7 


11-4 


70 


24 


181 


153 


84 


4-8 


36 


75 


101 


140 


72 


103 


11 4 


110 
122 


72 


25 


I'jn 


145 


76 


56 


36 


74 


102 


181 


76 


98 


Mv 


C8 



16 



Coorgs and Yeruvas. 
Table III. — (Continued.) 



75 





Cephalic 


Nasal 


•3 

c3 

u 

o 

a 

"S 

o 
bo 

5 


a 
o £ 

«•? 

a 

o 
bo 

5 


i X 

O 0) 
bCT3 
►> P 

* E 
'S 

si 


43 

T3 

Ctf 

m 

-a 

H 

e> 

"5 

6 

S | 


a! 
9 

"3 
S 
o 
S 


x 

<u 

15 

b 
d 

CS 



o 

CO 

cd 




.a 

a 

a 


3 

bo 
' a 

CD 


to 

■a 
5 


a 


"So 

B 
8 


■g 

m 
5 


M 

09 


CD 

J3 

'S 

ai 


26 


188 


14-8 


79 


55 


37 


67 


10 


133 


75 


100 


11-6 


116 


70 


27 


181 


143 


79 


46 


35 


76 


101 


13-4 


75 


93 


110 


118 


70 


28 


18-2 


141 


77 


48 


40 


83 


95 


129 


76 


93 


If 


122 
124 


G8 


29 


188 


150 


80 


53 


37 


70 


109 


136 


80 


103 


128 


72 


30 


192 


142 


74 


52 


36 


70 


94 


129 


76 


9-1 


116 


127 


66 


31 


186 


138 


74 


5 


35 


70 


9-7 


126 


77 


94 


120 


127 


7u 


32 


179 


144 


80 


52 


38 


73 


104 


137 


76 


104 


130 


125 


(iS 



Table IV. 
Summary of Measurements of Coorgs. 





32 Coorg MKN. 


Average of 




s 

a 
S 

X 

S3 
2 


CD 

bO 

CO 

u 
o 

> 

< 


S 

3 

5 
'5 

3 


Divergence 
from the 
average of 


m 

[3 

'5 

© 

o 
o 
O 

o 


to 

(-, 

CD 

o 
be-? 

~ *-< 
c Ph 




Max. Min. 


o 
O 

30 




cm. 


cm. 


cm. 
158 


era. 
133 


cm. 


cm. 


cm. 


Stature 


182 


168*7 


107 


1705 


168-1 


Span of arms 


187 


174*1 


164 
983 


129 
7*0 


101 


176 


172-5 


Span relative to stature (100) 


1091 


103*2 


3-8 


1032 


102-6 


Chest girth 


89 


82-2 


74 


6-8 


8-2 


84-5 


81-1 


Chest girth relative to stature 
(100) 


51 5 


48*7 


44-6 


28 


4 1 


49-5 


483 


Height sitting 


94 


86'4 


80 


76 


64 


868 
1 


S6-2 



17 



7* 



Ooorgs and Yenivas. 
Table IV. — (Continued.) 





32 COOBG MEN. 


Average of 




s 

a 
■3 

'S 

cs 

s 


6 
M 
ea 

t* 

<D 

> 
< 


S 

'5 


Divergence 

from the 
average of 


■ 

si 

oo 
o 

r-l 


EC 


to fl 

*- 2 
c °° 




Max. 


Min. 


Op* 
CO 




cm. 


cm. 


cm, 


cm. 


cm. 


cm. 


cm. 


Height kneeling 


134 


125-3 


118 


87 


73 


1262 


125 


Left fore-arm (cubit) 


505 


46*5 


435 


40 


30 


466 


46-6 


Cubit relative to statnre (100) 


28-8 


27*6 
24*9 


263 


13 


12 


273 


277 


Left foot, length 


270 


23-2 


21 


1-7 


250 


251 


Left foot relative to statnre (100) 


15o 


14-8 


13-9 


0-8 
08 


08 


147 


149 


Middle finger, left hand 


122 


11-4 


10-5 


0-9 
1-6 
0-9 


11-4 


113 


Cephalic length ... ... 


195 
154 


18*4 


168 


11 


18-4 


184 


Cephalic breadth 


14-7 


13-8 


0-7 


147 


144 


Cephalic index 


89 
111 


79*9 


74 


9-1 


59 


79-9 
103 


783 


Bigoniac breadth 


10-2 
134 


94 


09 


08 


10-1 


Bizygotnatic breadth 


143 
81 


12-6 


09 
7-9 


08 


13-5 
76-3 


13-2 


Maxillary-zygomatic index 


761 


70 


61 


76-5 


Facial angle ... ... 


73° 
67 


69*1° 


63° 


39° 


6-1° 


69-4° 


691° 


Nasal height ... ... 


515 


46 


055 


055 


516 


5-03 


N:i«nl breadth 


40 


8'69 


3-2 


031 


049 
101 


381 
738 


368 


Nasal index 


86 


72-2 


62 


13-9 


73-2 


Himalar breadth 


11-0 


100 


91 


10 


0-9 


100 


9-65 


Nafo-maW breadth ... 


132 


12-0 


110 


1-2 


1-0 


12-2 


11-9 


Na90-malar index ... 


130 
116 


120 


108 


10 


12 


122 


123 


Vertex to intersuperciliary 

point* 


9-71 


7'3 


1-79 


241 





• •■ 


TiTtex to tragus* 


155 
240 


13*1 


115 


2-4 


1-6 




Vertex to chin - 


21*7 
272 


20-5 
268 


23 


1-2 
1-4 


... 




Brendfch of hips* 


300 


28 


... 


... 



• Of 18 subjects whose left 

TL'S. 



feet hare the same average length (249) as the 



Coorgs and Yerutcu. 77 

Measurements of 25 Yeruva Males. 

This tribe which forms, next to the Coorgs, the largest section of 
the population of the province, is totally distinct in general appearance 
and in bodily measurements. Many of the Yeruvas still live in a very 
wild stale in the jungle, and are altogether difficult to get into contact 
witli ; others have enlisted as coolies in coffee plantations, and it is well, 
consequently, to have their measurements recorded before their blood 
suffers from the laxity of marriage laws which sometimes attends such 
a complete alteration of their mode of living. 

Mr. Thurston considers that 25 subjects taken at random will give 
a fair average for a compact well-defined tribe. My investigations 
confirm this conclusion ; but in castes which are the result of a com- 
paratively recent cross, a larger number of measurements is desirable, 
and in order to make an analysis of individual variations a larger 
number is essential. 



Table V. 
Individual Measurements of Yeruvas. 



Name. 


< 


6 
5 
"5 


S 

s 

o 
a 
cs 
a, 

tn 


Ratio of span 

to il nt urt>. 


1 S | si 

* — 

— 4 e U 

"2.1 •» S i'" 

« os « 

? .£ ■ s 

^ a S 'Z 

c 03 p 


t* 

c 



s 
|w 


1 _-• 

■ 
-3 


5 . 
£ - 


43 

a 



- £ 
s 

— — 


tc 5 

•5 


Cheukara 


30-35 


168 


177 


105-4 


S3 

SI 


49-4 


93 

77 
76 


120 257 


15*3 


490 
48-2 


29-2 
30-7 


116 


Bolli 


27 
25 


156"5 


172 


1096 


51-6 


116 


238 


15*2 


no 


Kada ... 


154 


160 


103-9 


79 
Bl 
7S 

so 

7^ 


61-3 


112 


230 
237 


14*9 


435 

450 


28*2 
28-0 


104 


Fileya 


27 


IG1 


164 

165 


101*9 


50-3 
49*4 
500 


*2 
79 
81 


118 


14*7 


112 


Nambi ■• 


35 


158 


104-4 


115 


238 


15-1 


452 


28-6 


116 


Chatta ... 


38 


160 


168 
167 
ICO 


105*0 


120 


250 


156 
14-1 


460 
450 


28 3 
28-0 


115 


Sanda ... 


31 


157 


108-3 


491 
47-9 
52-8 


7^ 

sa 

7 9 
79 
79 


114|231 


10 3 


Kallinga 


45 


163 


101*9 
104-9 
109*2 


n 

16 


122 
121 
118 
117 


21-6 
247 
26-2 
246 


15-1 
15-2 
16-8 


450 


27*6 


10-7 


Juddia ... 


25 


171 


171 


466 
492 


286 
30-2 
29-3 
29-1 


112 


Soma 


25 


163 


178 


49*1 


11-5 


Chatha .. 


22 


157 


108-9 


50-9 


i5-6 : 


460 

47 7 


11-2 


Buawa ... 


V5 


161 


176 


107-3 


II 


49*4 


120 


262 


16'0 

1 


11-3 



iy 



7a 



Coorys and Yeruv 
Table V. — (Contin 



as. 

ued). 



Name. 


33 
bl 

<5 


3 

cS 

02 


p 

a 

a 

G. 
00 


o * 

o S 
'-§ o 

c: -m 

P3 


-=■ 
'S 

5 


OD 

0, . 

is a; 

O co 
.£ "^ 


p 
ad 


bi. 
e 

'3 

a 

110 
118 
116 
114 
116 
117 


"S. 

p 

o ■— 

0) 

-1 


o 

a 6 

«- 3 
°1 

C 00 


'2 
6 


s 6 
p 

C cc 

'■is 


CO 

» - 
bo co 
p — 
«S ^ 

® *S 

ns 

i 


Nanja ... 


28 


150 


157 


104*7 


72 


48*0 


75 


231 


15*4 


440 


29-3 
28*1 
28*5 
28*8 
28*7 


103 


Wo8 Nunja 


26 


159 


165 


103*8 


8U 


50*3 


81 
BO 

78 
80 
81 


243 


16*3 


41-7 


10-9 


Dod Nanja 


27 


155 


163 
162 


105-2 


77 
80 


49*7 


23-7 
233 
23-8 
22-7 
259 


15-3 
15-1 
15*1 
14-7 
16-3 


44-2 
135 
45'5 
437 
464 


107 


Bidda ... 


25 


151 


105-2 


52-0 


105 


Jogy 


35 


158 


166 


105-1 


75 
85 
80 

77 


47-5 


112 


Mulla ... 


27 


154 


161 


104-5 


55*2 


28*4 
29-2 


104 


Belli 


26 


159 


171 


107*5 
103*8 


50-3 


82 

77 


117 


11-3 


Murria ... 


28 


159 


165 
162 
171 


48*4 


115 
114 

117 
122 
118 
116 


230 
•?31 

229 
23'8 
237 


14-5 
14-9 
13*7 
14-5 
15-5 


45-7 
442 
43-5 
451 
454 
45-2 


28*7 
285 
26*0 
27-5 
29-7 
28*8 


109 


Bidda 


30 


155 


104-5 


75 


4 8*4 
45-5 


78 

77 
83 
S2 
SO 


10-4 


Bolli 


35 


167 


102*4 


7( 
86 

85 
7!) 


103 


Judia 


38 


164 


172 


104*9 
105-9 


52-4 


114 


Namhy ... 


35 


153 


162 
166 


55*6 


11-3 


Nanja 


38 


157 


105-7 


50-3 


235 


15-0 


11-6 





Cephalic 


Nasal 


-3 

'V 

C9 

a> 
u 

O 

.2 

*S 
o 
be 

s 


cc 

o £ 

a 

E 
o 

bO 

N 

s 


C CD 

btTi 
>> p 

1 E 


eS 
o 

'eS 

J 

S 


co 
S 
b 

.O 

CO 

Is 

s 

o 

CO 

CO 

5 


M 

eg 
n3 

HH 

U 

c3 

a 

o 

00 

co 
S5 




Name. 


"So 

a 

CD 
►J 


T3 
cd 
<B 
U 


<D 

I— ( 


J3 

c 

CD 
h3 


■a 

CO 

e 

u 
CD 


M 

s 

1— 1 


<x> 
"be 

p 

-4 

[5 
'5 

co 
fa 


Chenkara ... ' 


184 
181 
17 5 

184 
17 3 


140 
132 
131 
135 
134 
135 


76 
73 
75 
73 
77 
70 
74 
68 
74 


45 
47 
5 1 
41 
48 
49 
44 
4-7 


41 
41 
41 
37 
39 
41 
40 


91 


9-7 


125 


77 


io-o 

106 
104 
9-8 
99 
10-5 
105 


1 1-2 

116 
11-6 
12-0 
110 
124 


112 
109 
111 


71 


Bolli 


87 
80 
90 
81 
84 
91 


85 
90 
91 
92 
91 
92 


13-0 
130 
126 
130 
12-8 
130 


65 
69 
72 
71 
71 
71 


74 


Kada 


66 


Vileya 


122 
111 
118 


64 


Nauibi 


64 


Chatta 


193 


67 


Bitnda 


183 


137 


122 


116 
110 


64 


KuHifii.'ii 


19 2 


132 


45 


95 


9-2 


12-7 


72 


100 


no 


67 


Juddia 


18*7 


139 


44 


4-3 


97 


95 


135 


70 


10-5 


12-2 


116 


68 



20 



Coorgs and Yeruvas. 
Table V. — (Continued). 



79 



kj 





Cephalic 


Nasal 


cS 
(D 

u 

o 

.2 
5 


O B 

■a i 

a 
o 

b£ 
eg 

a 


>>-§ 

S B 

o 
pv.3 

11 

1 


IS 
03 
• 

.3 

h 

ed 
| 


u « 

A t 

S 
o 

w 

a 
z; 


X 

0) 
'O 

u 
a: 

£ 
o 

IX) 

e3 


o 


Namk. 


-2 
43 

60 

a 

1-3 


A 

TS 

m 

s. 

ffl 


a 
i— i 


be ' 

P 




M 

03 

C 


bo 
i 


Soma 


182 


135 


74 


45 

50 


41 
43 


91 


9o 
93 


13-0 
124 


73 

75 


10-4 
97 


11-4 
10-8 


109 


67 


Chatha 


18 5 
18'2 
17 7 
183 
187 


125 


67 


86 


111 


61 


Bnswa 


134 
134 
14-0 
13- 1 
12-8 


73 


43 


38 


90 


10-0 
93 
97 
9*7 
97 
9-8 


132 
123 
130 
131 
12-6 
141 


76 
75 
74 
74 
77 
70 
77 
78 
75 


92 
94 
9-5 


10-6 
10 6 
106 


115 
113 


64 


Nunja 


76 
76 
70 


37 
43 
43 


38 
3-8 
40 


103 


66 


Wos Nunja ... 


90 
93 


111 


68 


Dod Nunja ... 


97 
96 
104 
95 
92 
93 


108 
11-2 
122 


111 


70 


Bidda 


185 
187 


70 


41 


39 


95 


■117 
117 


63 


Jogy 


138 
132 


74 
71 


47 
46 


42 


89 


64 


Mulla 


18o 


39 

38 

3-9 


85 


10-0 
97 
9-0 


130 
125 
120 


112 


118 


63 


Belli 


180 


135 


75 


4-5 


84 
85 


106 
120 
104 
120 


115 
128 


62 


Murria 


16*4 


134 
136 
13-0 


81 


4-6 


62 


Sidda 


18 I 
182 


75 
72 
75 
71 
77 


4-2 
47 
44 

4-7 
48 


4-0 
41 
43 
4-2 
43 


95 


95 
90 
95 
10-1 
93 


120 
130 


79 
69 


91 

98 


114 


64 


Bolli 


87 


122 


66 


Judia 


18 6 
185 
17-4 


14-0 
133 
135 


97 


136 
130 
129 


69 


105 


124 


118 


67 


Namby 


89 

89 


77 
72 


104 
99 


122 
112 


118 
113 


65 


Nunja 


65 



Table VI. 
Summary of Measurements of Yeruvas and Coorgs compared. 







Yeruvas. 






g 

5 
6 

33 


Average. 


a 
a 

3 


Divergence 

FROM THE 
AVERAGE OF 


Average 
for , 

Coorgs. 




Max. 


Min 






cm. 


cm. 


cm. 


cm. 


cm. 


cm. 


Stature 


168 
178 

1096 


158-7 


150 


93 


8-7 


168-7 


Span of arms 


167'3 


160 


107 


7-3 


174-1 


Span of arms 


relative 
to stature (100) ... 


105-4 


101-9 


42 


35 


1032 



21 



80 



Guorgs and Yeruvas. 

TABLE VI. — (Continued). 







Y 


ERVVAS 








S 
D 

6 


03 

be 

a 
E 

S 

> 

< 


5 

S 


Divergence 

FROM THE 
AVERAGE OF 


Average 

for 
Coorgs. 




Max. 


Min. 






cm. 
86 
556 


cm. 
•79-5 


cm. 
72 


cm. 
65 


cm. 
75 


cm. 


Chest girth 


82-2 


Chest girth relative to Stature (100) 


601 


455 


55 


46 


48-7 


Height sitting 


83 
122 
492 


79-7 
117 
45-5 


75 


33 


47 


864 


Height kneeling 


110 


50 


70 


125 3 


Left fore-arm (cubit) ... 


435 


37 


20 
26 


46*5 


Cubit relative to stature (100) 


307 


28*6 


260 
22 9 


21 


27'6 


Left foot, length 


26-2 


24*0 


22 
17 


11 


249 


Length of foot relative 

to stature (100) 


168 
11*6 


15-1 


145 


06 


147 


Length of middle ringer 


10 9 


103 

16 4 


07 


06 


114 


Cephalic length 


193 


182 


11 


18 


184 


Cephalic breadth 


14-0 


134 


125 

67 

85 


06 

84 
07 


09 
66 


14 8 


Cephalic index 


82 


736 


'.9 9 


Bigoniac breadth 


101 


9*4 


09 


102 


Bizygomatic breadth 


14' 1 


12 8 


120 


13 

5-7 


08 


134 


Maxillary-zygomatic index 


79 


73*4 


65 


83 


76 1 


Facial angle 


74° 


66 7° 


61° 


8 3° 


4-7° 


69- 1° 


Nasal height 


5'1 

45 


452 


37 


0-58 


0'8i 


516 


Nasal breadth 


405 


37 

81 
91 


045 
133 
07 


035 

87 
08 


369 


Nasal index 


103 


896 


72 2 


Bimalar breadth 


10-6 
124 
128 
108 
13 5 


99 


10*0 


Naso-malar breadth 


114 


104 
109 
85 


10 
13 
1 3 


10 
6 


12-0 


Naso-tnalar index 


115 


120 


Vertex to intersnperciliary point ... 


9 5 


10 


9 71 


Vertex to tragus 


12 2 


115 


13 


07 


13*1 


Vertex to chin 


225 


210 


19 


15 


20 


21-7 



22 



Coorgs and Teruvas. 



81 



J_i_j_i_ 




j ; | 1 

Y j ; : 


itE 


-f~"T'h"' 


.\J r ;l.\. 


J-fe-j-j-- 


±i±t 


s ; i ! 


': i T \ 




■ .L-.-L._L- 


: •/-!—!—■!— 
' / : 






— Y ! ! \ 


( .j...j..L.j.... 


-•h-w 


i i ! ■ \ 


v : ! 1 




— . ,--,.. .1 


• -■■ :■ "- "'■ 


„|4-|-|. 


\ : \ : 


; / ' / 


! i ; i 


! i ! i 


__.___._Zl— 

: /; j/ : 

;/ i / i 
/. : /i 
/ f y f j 


-i-M-i- 


_.L.A..L..i— 
...L_.L--L_.L_. 


' \ ' x 1— - 


— f — i — i — |— 




j j ; i 


— I — ! — 1 — !-- 


j ■ s ■ 





I ■ I . ! 1 



Scale of Centimetres 



I ■ I I I 1 



Fig. 3. — Diagrammatic comparison of average noses. 
Coorg . Yeruv. 

From the summary of measurements of the two tribes we see that 
the Coorg is on an average 10 cm. (39 inches) taller than the Yeruva T 
lias a more leptorhine nose (see fig. 3), a shorter relative span, fore- 
arm and foot, a larger head with a distinct tendency towards brachy- 
cephalism (fig. 4), and a more perfect approach to orthognathism. 
"With these characters which can be expressed in figures, we have the 
contrast of colour between the fair (light-brown) Coorg and the very 
dark-skinned Yeruva. The hair of the Coorg is straight -whilst that 
of the Yeruva is distinctly wavy, and the features of the latter are 
generally of the stamp which we should characterise as distinctly low, 
the broad nose being accompanied by thick, slightly everted,, lips. 



23 



82 



Coorgs and Yei'ttfras. 



["T77T 


-■---.- --]-■• — ■■ 


"~ - ~ r*i" 


"i"i r~~ " 


...;.-.;.. .-y. -',.-■. 


^H 


v 


N\; r ..L.L.. 


1 ' 




.._!-.-i.--'-- !-. 


:\ I i 
1 1 

jT~|i If" j"" 


1 ' 

1 ' 

-•!••-•-%!"»:-■ 

.:...;..v,.. 




-:-:-"!":- 


"TjTTj""j 


'■ V N 


«H— i— |— t-r 

o: ; ; 1 
^^y- — "1 " 


-!— I— <-•£? 


' y i 


ji«rf 


i : ! ! 






; ; i ; 


.! ! ! ! 



5 10 IS 20 

' ' ' I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 

Scale of Centimetres 



Fig. 4. — Average Coorg and Yeruva crania compared in plan. 
Coorg Yeruva 



24 



Coorgs and Yeruvas. 83 



IV.—COMPARISON WITH OTHER SOUTH INDIAN TRIBES. 

The extensive and excellent researches by Messrs. E. Thurston 
and F. Fawcett in the Madias Presidency enable us to determine the 
positions of tliese two tribes amongst the other races in South India. 
By comparing the average stature, cephalic index, nasal index, ratios 
of chest, span and left cubit to stature, the Yeruvas show in their 
measurements, as they do in general appearance, close affinities with 
the Kurumbas, Irulas, Paniyans and Kadirs, whilst the Coorgs occupy 
a place alone and quite distinct in most important points from all 
other previously measured South Indian races. 

The average height of the Coorg male is 1637 cm. (5 ft. 6| in.), 
which is equalled in South India only by the Todas, and gives them 
a high place in Topinard's class "above the middle height (165 — 
170 cm.)-" l 

Turning to the other features which constitute race characteristics, 
we find that the Coorgs are equally distinct from their neighbours in 
the south. They have the nearest approach to a brachycephalic head 
(79 - 9) ; in nasal index (722) they stand third in the list, following 
the nomadic Lambadis (69' 1) of Mysore who have a fair skin and 
speak an Aryan language, 2 and the Sheik Muhammedans (70) who 
claim to be descendants of immigrants from the north. 8 Considered 
as percentage of stature, the Coorgs have a distinctly shorter foot, 
fore-arm and leg, smaller span and chest. 4 Their comparatively fair 
skin and manly bearing, remarked by the earlier visitors to the little 
mountain province, are thus shown by actual measurements to indicate 
correctly their general superiority to the so-called Dra vidian races. 

The following tables show the positions occupied by the Coorgs 
and Yeruvas amongst the tribes measured by Messrs. Thurston and 
Fawcett. 6 



1 According to Thurston (Bull. Madras Museum, II, (1897), 46), the Todas 
have an average stature of 1696 cm., being up to 1897 the only measured native 
representatives in South India of people " above the middle height," the next tallest 
tribe recorded by Thurston being below 165 cm. 

8 Cf. Thurston, Bull. Mudras Museum, II, 54 and 64. 

5 Thurston, Ibid., II, 63. 

4 In actual chest measurement (82*2 cm.) they are beaten only by the 
Lambadis (82 5 cm.), Todas and Kotas (83), and Kurubas (83"8), but their great 
height brings them down in the scale of ratios. 

6 F. Fawcett. Notes on some of the people of Malabar; Bull. Madras Museum, 
III, (1900), 1-85. From Mr. Fawcett's data I have selected those only which pro 

25 



84 



Coorgs and Yeruvas. 



Table VII. 



Average Stature of South Indian tribes. 



Toda 


1696 cm. 


Tamil Pariah 


161-9 cm. 


Coovg 


168-7 „ 


Kanarese ,, 


161-8 „ 


Nayar 


1G5-1 „ 


Kurumba Mullu 


161-1 „ 


Sheik Mubammadan 


164-5 „ 


Irula 


150-8 „ 


Lam bad i ... ••• 


164-3 „ 


Kammalan ... 


1597 „ 


P.Utar Brahman 


1643 „ 


Izhuvan 


159 6 „ 


Badaga 


1641 „ 


Korama 


159-3 „ 


Kuruba 


1639 „ 


Kurichchiyan 


1592 „ 


Malaiali 


1639 „ 


Konga 


1590 „ 


Tiyan 


1637 „ 


Yeruva 


1587 „ 


Mnkkuvan ... 


1633 „ 


Muppa aud Kadir 


157-7 „ 


Ivota 


1629 „ 


Chernman 


1575 „ 


Brahman (Madras City) 


162-5 „ 


Pal and Urali Kurumba 


157-5 „ 


Palli 


1625 „ 


Paniyan 


1574 „ 


Vellala 


162-4 „ 


Kurnmba, Bet 


1551 „ 


Nambutri Brahman 


1623 „ 


Polayan 


1506 „ 



Table VIII. 



Cephalic Index of South Indian tribes. 



Coorg 

Korama 

Konga 

Kanarese Pariah ... 

Kurichchiyan 

Bet Kurumba 

Brahman (Madras City) 

Nambutri Brahman 

Sheik Muhammadan 

Kuruba 

Lambadi 

Mukkuvan 

KumTtialan 

Irnla 

Pattai Brahman ... 



79-9 


Mataiali 


77-5 


"Vellala and Kota 


77-0 


Paniyan 


76-8 


Cheruman 


76-7 


Yeruva 


76-6 


Tamil Pariah 


765 


Polayan 


763 


Nayar 


76-2 


Toda 


75-8 


Palli 


754 


Izhuvan 


75-4 


Tiyan 


75-0 


Muppa 


750 


Badaga 


74-5 


Mullu Kurumba 



74-4 
741 
74-0 
739 
73-6 
73-6 
73-4 
73-2 
73- 1 
730 
72-7 
72-7 
72-3 
71-7 
70-3 



averages for more than 25 individuals in each tribe, and in tribes like the Nayars, 

of wl.i'li ho gives tho averages of 25 individuals in each of 7 different divisions, I 

have worked out an average for the whole tribe. I am also responsible for the cal- 

biooa showing the relation of cubit, span and chest to stature in the case of the 

Ala In liar tribes. 



Coorgs and Yeruvas. 
Table IX. 



85 



Nasal Index of South Indian tribes. 



Lambadi 


69*1 


Cheruman 


78-1 


Sheik Muhammadan 


70 


Tiyan (S. Malabar) 


78-9 


Coorg 


.. 72-2 


Konga 


79'9 


Velllla 


73-1 


Tamil Pariah 


800 


Kuruba 


73'2 


Muppa ... .. 


815 


Toda 


74-9 


Izhuvan 


82*5 


Tiyyan 


75-0 


Irula (Thurston) ... 


849 


Kota 


75'5 


Mnllu Knrumba ... 


86*9 


Nambutri Brahman 


755 


Pal Kurumba ... .... 


87o 


Badaga ... 


756 


Mukkuvan 


87-1 


Korama 


757 


Kurichchiyan 


87--1 


Kanarese Pariah ... 


75-9 


Irula (Fawcett) ... 


87-8 


Pattar Brahman ... 


76*5 


Yeruva 


896 


Brahman (Madras City) 


767 


Kadir ... .. 


89-8 


Nayar 


76-7 


Urali Kurumba ... ., 


93-4 


Kammalan 


77-3 


Polayan 


94-1 


Tiyan (N. Malabar) 


77-7 


Pholiga 


.94-4 


Malaiali 


77-8 


Paniyan 


95-1 


Palli 


779 


Bet Kurumba 


953 



Batio of average span and average cubit to stature. 

It has long been known that with regard to the length of the upper 
extremities the negro differs noticeably from the white man. 1 A simi- 
lar, but less pronounced, difference distinguishes the aboriginal tribes 
of South India from the higher castes. The difference comes out 
in the measurements of the fore-arm (cubit), of the span (grande 
envergure), and of the vertical interval between the patella and the 
extremity of the hand when hanging free. Owing to an error dis- 
covered too late to remedy, my figures for the last-named measurement 
are not recorded ; but by comparing the first two measurements, 
namely, the span and the cubit, with the corresponding determinations 
made by Thurston, we find that the Coorgs and Yeruvas maintain the 
positions indicated for them by the data given above. The average 
length of the fore-arm is expressed as a percentage of the average 
stature in the case of each tribe. 



* Topinard : Anthropology (Eng. transl., 1894), p. 335. 



27 






Cuorgs and Yerurat. 

Table X. 

Relation of Cubit to Stature in South Indian Tribes. 





: 


I 


Cnbit* 100 


Caste. 


Stature. 


Cnbit. 


Stature. 


Nambutri Brahman 

Coorg 

Kota 

Toda -•• • •• 


162-3 

168*7 

1629 

1696 


44-2 
46*5 
45- 1 

47-0 


27-2 
27*5 

27-7 
27-7 


Nayar ••• • •• 

Knruba 


1651 
163-9 


45-9 
45-7 


278 
27-9* 


N. Malabar Tiyan 
Badaga 


1650 
1641 


46-4 
462 


28-1 
281 


Mnllu Kurumba 


1611 


452 


28- 1 


Pattar Brahman 


1643 


462 


281 


Izhnvan 


1596 


45-2 


28-3 


Brahman (Madras) 


1625 


460 


283 


S. Malabar Tiyan 


K525 


462 


28-4 


Palli 


1625 


46-2 


28-4 


Pariah 


1621 


46- 1 


28-4 


Kuriclicliynn 


1592 


45-3 


285 


Mnlaiali 


1634 


466 


285 


Muhkuvan 


163-3 


46-7 


28-6 


Kadir 


1577 


45- 1 


28-6 


Yeiuva 


168-7 


46*5 


28'6 


Irula (Fawcett) 


158-3 


454 


287 


linla (Thnreton) 


159-8 


45-8 


28-7 


Knrnmba 


157 5 


4 5-2 


28-7 


I'iinivan 


1574 


453 


28-8 


Y.-lIala 


162-4 


46-9 


28-8 


Bet Kurumba 


155-1 


44-8 


289 


Kummulau 


159-7 


462 


28-9 


Polayan 


150-6 


44-2 


293 



Relation of span to Stature. 

According to Gould's measurements the percentage relation of the 
span to stature in the English is 101-4, whilst in the case of the 
Negroes it is 1081. The width of the shoulders necessarily affects this 
method of comparing the relative lengths of the upper extremities, and 
introduces a source of variation and error ; but the results are neverthe- 
less in general agreement -with the classification by the previous race 
tests, and Coorgs are again found to occupy a high position, whilst the 
Vi ruvas are relegated to the more long-armed aborigines and people of 

caste. It would be interesting to follow up these results by a de- 
termination on the skeleton of the humero-radial index which Sir 
William Flower has shown to mark a difference between his "Ethiopian 
and "Caucasian" types (Journ. Anthrop. Inst., Vol. xiv., p. 378). 



Coorgs and Yeruvas. 

Table XI. 
Relation of Span to Stature in South Indian Tribes. 



87 









Span x 100 


Caste. 


Stature. 


Span. 


Stature. 


CJoorg 


168*7 


174-1 


103*2 


Toda 


1696 


1750 


103-2 


Koia 


1629 


1683 


1033 


Kuruba 


1639 


1710 


1043 


Badaga 


164-1 


1717 


104-6 


Nambutri Brahman 


162-3 


170-0 


1048 


Paniyan 


157-4 


165-2 


105-0 


Pattar Brihman 


164-3 


173-0 


1053 


Malaiali 


1634 


1721 


105-3 


Yeruva 


158-7 


167*3 


105-4 


Bet Kurumba ... 


1551 


163-7 


1056 


Nayar ... ... 


1651 


174-6 


105-8 


Palli 


1625 


1726 


106-2 


Pariah 


162- 1 


1721 


106-2 


Kurumba 


1575 


1675 


1063 


Irula 


159-8 


169-8 


106-3 


Jzhuvan 


1596 


170-2 


106-6 


Brahman (Madras) 


162-5 


173-3 


106-6 


Mullu Kurumba 


161-1 


171-9 


106-7 


Kadir 


157-7 


168-8 


107-0 


S. Malabar Tiyan 


162-5 


1739 


107-0 


Knrichchiyan 


159-2 


170-4 


1070 


Kammalan 


159-7 


171-0 


107-1 


N. Malabar Tiyan 


165-0 


176-7 


107-1 


Vellala 


162-4 


174-1 


107-2 


Mukkuvan 


163-3 


175-2 


107-3 


Polayan 


150-6 


162-1 


107-6 



Girth of Chest. 

Measurement of the chest-girth, though subject to certain sources 
of irregular variation, and, though not in itself a character on which to 
base race classification, still shows, when compared with the stature, a 
general higher ratio for the aboriginal people and low castes than for 
higher types in South India. As a general rule, the chest girth is pro- 
portionately greater in the former than amongst the latter races, but 
the departures from this rule are sufficiently numerous to show that 
this character does not reliably divide the races. 1 The figures are — 

1 The circumference of the chest when compared with the stature shows a 
greater ratio amongst Europeans than amongst the people of Iudia (see Topinard, 
English trans., p. 404). 

29 



Coorgs and Yeruvas. 



Table XII. 
Relation of Chest-girth to Stature in South Indian Tribes. 







Circumference 


Chest x 100 


Teibe. 


Stature. 


of chest in 
cm. 


Stature. 


Coorg 

Nayar ... 
Palli 


168*7 


82*2 


48-7 


1651 
1625 


80-4 
792 


48-7 
48-7 


Malaiali 


163-4 


80 


488 


Kammalan 


1597 


78 


48-8 


Tamil Pariah 


1619 


79-3 


48*9 


Toda 


1696 


83 


48-9 


Badaga 


164-1 


80-4 


490 


Vellala 


162-4 


79-8 


49-1 


Cheruman 


1575 


78-4 


491 


Muppa 


1577 


77-4 


491 


Irnla 


1598 


794 


497 


Konga 


1590 


79-2 


49-8 


Korama ... ... 


1593 


79-4 


498 


Brabmnn (Madras City) 


162-5 


81 


49-8 


Tiyyan 


1637 


82 


50-1 


Yeruva 


168-7 


79*5 


50-1 


Kanarese Pariah 


161-8 


813 


50-2 


Lnmbadi ... ... 


1643 


82-5 


50-2 


Pal Karumba 


1575 


79-2 


503 


Kota 


1629 


83 


510 


Kuruba 


163-9 


83-8 


Bi-i 


Kadir 


1577 


80-5 


51-4 


Paniyan 


157-4 


815 


51-8 



Facial Angle (Cuvier). 

Because of the 6triking difference between the prognathous Negro 
nnd the orthognathous classic Greek head, the facial angle has been 
given a value as a race characteristic which will not always stand the 
more delicate test of discriminating between the lower and the higher 
castes, or betwien the aboriginal Dravidians and the Hindu " Aryans " 
of India. The dolichocephalic Dravidian tribes are not a distinctly 
propnathous people as they have sometimes been represented to be. 
Moreover, the variations of facial angle for individuals in any tribes are 
so great that averages obtained on 25 subjects are probably not always 
accurate, and Thurston has apparently not considered this feature to be 
sufficiently important to record in his later work. There is a distinct 
difference between the Coorg and the Yeruva, but there are other tribes 
in South India which cannot be regarded as of a higher type than the 

30 



Coorgs and Yeruvas. 89 

Coorgs and yet are equal or superior to them in orthognathism. The 

following measurements show the positions of the two tribes now under 
discussion : — 

Table XIII. 
Facial angles of South Indian tribes. 

Badaga ... ... 71° Irula and Pariah ... ... 68° 

Kota and Kammalan ... 70° Paniyan and Toda ... ... 67° 

Madras Brahman, Palli and Coorg 69° Yeruva ... ... 66° 



31 



90 Coorgs and Yeruvas. 

V.— VARIATION WITHIN THE TRIBES. 

The above tables show that the Coorgs and Yeruvas belong to two 
totally distinct ethnic branches ; but in view of the fact that they have 
lived in close proximity, and almost domestic relationship with one 
another for a long period, I have scrutinized the records of each indivi- 
dual for evidences of a possible blood relationship in the near past. 
It may be stated at once that amongst the Yeruvas, to their credit 
— either of moral rectitude or of physiognomical repugnance — no trace 
of Coorg blood is revealed in any of the measurements. Amongst 
those with Coorg names and assumed ancestry, two individuals show 
an uniform tendency towards the aboriginal characteristics, whilst 
there is a general tendency towards shading off in the direction of the 
Yeruva type when any one distinctive characteristic is considered. It 
is not intended by this last remark to suggest that there is actual 
Yeruva blood in any of the Coorgs ; but it is highly unlikely that any 
of the higher castes in India are able to boast with certainty of com- 
plete freedom from the aboriginal black blood of the country, and even 
amongst the small number of individuals which I have measured 
amongst the Coorgs there are some which display a suspicious atavistic 
approach to the race of which the Yeruvas are fairly characteristic 
members. 

By selecting from amongst the 25 Yeruvas, the 11 individuals who 
show a higher, that is a more leptorhine, type of nose than the average 
(89 6), and from these selecting the six who have a greater cephalic 
index than the average (736), we find that in other characteristics, 
such as stature, relative length of foot, fore-arm, span and girth of 
chest, they do not show any uniform variation in the Coorg direction. 
The following table shows the chief characteristics of these six 
individuals : — 



32 






Coorgs and Yeruvas. 91 

Table XIV. 

Measurements of 6 Yeruvas whose nasal indices are less and 
cephalic indices greater than the average. 



Subject. 


Nasal 
index. 


Cephalic 
index. 


Stature 


Span. 


Girth. 


Foot 
length. 


Cnbit. 




Relative to Stature ( -100). 


Kada 

Nambi 

Jogy 

Belli 

Mnrria 

Nunja 


80 
81 
89 
84 
85 
89 


75 
77 
74 
75 
81 
77 


154 
158 
158 
159 
159 
157 


1039 
1044 
1051 
1075 
103-8 
1057 


613 

494 
475 
503 
484 
50-3 


14 9 
15-1 

15 1 
163 
145 
100 


28*2 
286 
28 7 
29-2 

28-7 
288 


Average for 6 ... 


84-7 


76-5 


157 5 


105-1 


496 


52-2 


287 


Average for 
the tribe ... 


89-6 


73'6 


158-7 


105 4 


1*05 


161 


28'6 



Similarly, if we take the individuals who vary on the opposite 
side of the average nose and head measurements, we find that there 
is no general concomitant variation in the assumed aboriginal direction. 
Thus there are 13 Yeruvas with nasal indices greater, that is more 
platyrhiue, than the average, and if we select from these the five which 
have also a head more dolichocephalic than the average, we get the 
following table of measurements : — 

Table XV". 

Measurements of five Yeruvas more platyrhine, and at the same 

time more dolichocephalic than the average. 





Nasal 
index. 


Cephalic 
index. 


Stature. 


Span. 


Girth. Foot. 

I 


Cubit. 




Rela 


tive to Stature ( = 


100). 


Kallinga 
Bidda 
Dod Nnnja 
Pileye 
Buswa 


95 
95 
93 
90 
90 


68 
70 
70 
73 
73 


163 
154 
155 
161 
164 


1019 
105-2 
1052 
101-9 
1073 


47-9 
520 
49-7 
50 3 
49-4 


151 
151 
153 

14-7 
16-0 


276 

283 
28-5 
280 
29- 1 


Average for the 5 


92-6 


70-8 


1594 


1043 


499 


15 2 


283 


Average for 
the tribe ... 


89-7 


73'6 


168*7 


105-4 


50-1 


15-1 


28*8 



33 



00 



Cnorgs and Yeruvas, 



Tliese five, therefore, whose noses are so -wide and heads so narrow, 
show in their other measurments characters which sometimes vary in 
one direction and sometimes in the other. 

Analysis of the figures for the Coorgs give a similar teaching : if 
tvc regard the leptorhine and brachycephalic tendency of the Coorg as 
characters opposed to his platyrhine, dolichocephalic neighbour, we find 
♦ hat the individuals who exhibit these "higher" traits most strongly 
are not uniformly "higher" in other respects, and, conversely, those 
who exhibit the aboriginal type of nose and head more than the average 
are not found to be more aboriginal in other respects, than their com- 
patriots. This last statement is true on an average ; but there were 
two individuals amongst the Coorgs I measured who do show a 
uniform tendency towards the aboriginal type, and one of these, 
whether by chance or the outcome of nature, has been decided by 
law to be a criminal. The measurements for these two are given 
below, and as one of them is recognised as a respectable member of his 
own community* I have suppressed his name 60 that this passing 
remark may become no handicap to his career as a Government official. 



Table XVI. 

Coorgs who are more platyrhine and at the same time more 
dolichocephalic than the average. 



Sth.lKCT. 


Nasal 
index. 


Cephnlic 
index. 


Stature. 


Span. 
Rela 


Fore- 
arm 


Foot. 


Chest. 




^ive to Stature ( = 100). 


No. 2f> 


74 


76 


167 


1036 


28-6 


15-2 


49-7 


,. 27 


76 


79 


177 


10V1 


26-8 


14-7 


44-6 


„ 28 


83 


77 


159 


1031 


279 


152 


509 


4 


75 


78 


171 


100-0 


26-3 


H-7 


509 


R 


86 


78 


165 


1049 


279 


153 


515 


8 


79 


78 


166 


1042 


28 1 


152 


49-4 


. 1 1 


74 


78 


176 


102 8 


275 


14-3 


466 


.1 ■ age for tlir 7 


781 


77-7 


1687 


1028 


27-6 


149 


491 


A\ raee for 
















all Coorgs 


72-1 


79-9 


168-7 


103-2 


27-6 


14*8 


487 



These figures show that, although seven subjects have noses and 
beads more in conformity with the aboriginal type than their compa- 
triots, they show on an average no uniform tendency to imitate the 

ijrinal type in other race characteristics. Two of them, however, 

34 



Coorgs and Yeruvas. 



93 



Nos. 28 and 5, possess suspiciously wide and short noses, and with 
these aboriginal traits they are more dolichocephalic, lower in stature 
and possess longer fore-arms, longer feet, wider spans and larger rela- 
tive chest-girths than the average of their tribe. 

Taking the subjects who are more leptorhine and brachycephalic 
than the general run of the Coorgs, we find, similarly, that they do not 
show any uniform departure in other characteristics from the Coorg 
average. There are 18 Coorgs more leptorhine than the average, and 
of these 7 have an unusual tendency towards brachycephalism. The 
following table shows their measurements : — 

Table XVIT. 

Coorgs who are more leptorhine and at the same time more 
brachycephalic than the average. 



Subject. 


Nasal 
index. 


Cephalic 
index. 


Statnre. 


Span. 


Fore- 
arm. 


Foot. 


Chest. 




Relative to Stature (=100). 


No. 17 
„ 18 
„ 9 
„ 21 
„ 23 
„ 29 
„ 10 


66 
68 
69 

70 
70 
70 
68 


84 
82 
88 
82 
89 
80 
81 


172 
164 
lfiO 
177 
158 
169 
175 


1000 
103- 1 
103-7 
105-6 
105-7 
1030 
105-2 


273 

27-4 
27-4 
28-5 
281 
279 
275 


139 
15-3 
14-5 
150 
149 
14-7 
143 


48-3 
47 
50-6 
46-3 
51-3 
515 
50-8 


Average for the 7 


68 7 


857 


1679 


1037 


27-7 


147 


49-4 


Average for 
the tribe ... 


72-2 


799 


168-7 


103-2 


27 5 14*8 


48-7 



Amongst tribes which are the result of comparatively recent 
intermixing of totally different types we usually get a considerable 
amount of variation amongst individuals, and we require consequently 
a larger number of subjects to give an average measurement for the 
whole tribe. The foregoing analyses show that even when special 
subjects are picked out, having a combination of two peculiarities, 
they conform generally to the average in other respects, and we may 
take it for granted that in tribes which ate not the result of immediate 
mixture, or half-breeds, 25 subjects taken at random give a very precise 
average. Amongst the pure aboriginal tribes a correct average will be 
obtained with fewer subjects than in mixed races, where individual 
variation is more frequent and pronounced. A comparison of the 
figures for the Coorgs and Yeruvas suggests a blood mixture in the 

35 



y± 



Coorgs and Yeruvas. 



former tribe, whilst the latter are a very compact pure race, with a 
comparatively limited degree of individual variation. This point is 
especially well expressed by a diagram, grouping say the heads, noses, 
or some particular feature in which the two tribes show a striking con- 
trast on the average. Taking the cephalic measurements, for instance, 
we find a much greater variation amongst the Coorgs than amongst the 
Yeruvas : — 

Table XYIII. 

Classification of heads.* 



Index. 


Dolicho- 
cephalic 
under 7501. 


Sub-Dolicho 
75-01— 77-77. 


Mesaticeph g ub . brachy . 
8000. 80-01-83 3. 


Brachyceph. 
Above 83 33. 


Coorgs 


3 


7 




4 


7 


Yeruvas ... 


19 


5 




1 





The Coorgs show, as might be expected from their high average 
index, a larger proportion of brachycephalic individuals (7 ont of 32) 
than any South Indian tribe. Of those measured by Thurston one 
Tamil Brahmin and two Koramas are the only brachycephalic skulls 
hitherto detected amongst these tribes. 

The one aherrant Yeruva — Murria by name — shows a sub-brachy- 
cephalic index on account of the unusual shortness of his head, the 
breadth being exactly the average of his tribe. There was nothing in 
his features or general appearance to arouse suspicion, and the other 
measurements of the body do not show an uniform departure from the 
Yeruva type. 

By grouping the nasal indices we find that there is a less noticeable 
difference between the two tribes in the matter of variation, but the 
Coorgs nevertheless show a tendency to trail out towards the aboriginal 
side. 

Taulb XIX. 
Classification of noses. 



Index. 


61-65 
A 


66-70 
B 


71-75 
C 


76-80 
D 


81-85 
E 


86-90 
F 


91-95 
G 


96-100 
H 


Above 100 
J 


Coorgs 


3 


14 


8 


5 


1 


1 






... 


Yeruvas ... 


... 


... 


... 


1 


5 


9 


7 


2 


1 



• Broca's scale. 



3G 



Coorgs and Yeruvcis. 



95 



This character is more clearty expressed by graphic representation of the 
groups (fig. 5). From this it will be seen that, whilst the majority of 
Coorgs have nasal indices between 66 and 70, which is not far from the 
usual European type, there are so many individuals with bread noses 
that the average is raised for the whole tribe to 72 , 1. 




ABODE F - G H 

Fig. 5. Comparison of nasal indices for Coorgs and Yeruvas. 1 



1 Whilst I have no reason to suppose that the character of this curve would be 
materially changed with a large number of measurements, the graphic method 
should only be resorted to for critical purposes with a larger number of 
individuals. Tn this case the curve has been " smoothed " by grouping the nasal 
indices in fives. 



37 



96 Coorgs and Yeruvas. 



VI. SUMMARY. 

The Coorgs and Teruvas belong to two distinct ethnic types. The 
latter tribe falls into a group with the Kurumbas, Irulas, Panijans and 
Kadirs, who are the South Indian cousins of the Kols and Gonds living 
on the central highlands — people of a very dark colour, curly hair, 
thick, slightly everted lips, feeble prognathism, distinctly platyrhine 
noses (index 896) low stature (1587 cm.) and comparatively long feet, 
long fore-arms, wide span and dolichocephalic skull (736). 

There is an average general tendency for the higher Hindu castes 
to differ from this type by a less pronounced depth of skin-colour, a 
more leptorhie nose, a greater stature, greater facial angle and less 
pronounced development of the fore-arms and feet. As a consequence, 
these characters are used in India as a general index to racial superior- 
ity, the higher castes claiming a considerable infusion of the blood 
introduced by the early Aryan irruption on the North-West Frontier. 
Measurements made on the Coorgs show that they possess these supposed 
superior characteristics in a more pronounced degree than many of 
the South Indian tribes who claim a higher caste position. The 
average height of the Coorg man is 1687 cm. (5 feet 6| inches), -which 
is equalled only by the Todas (1696 cm.) amongst the races of the 
south. Their nasal index (72* 1) is of a higher type than any of the 
other tribes, except the nomadic Lambadis (69 - l), who have a fair 
skin and speak an Aryan language, and the Sheik Muhammadans (70) 
who claim to be descendants of recent immigrants from the North. 
Regarded as percentages of stature, the Coorgs have a distinctly short 
foot, fore-arm and span. But the character which marks them off from 
all the other tribes of the south is their singular tendency towards brachy- 
cephalism, their cephalic index of 799 narrowly excluding them from 
Broca's class of sub-brachycephali. These characters, with their com- 
paratively fair skin and general bearing, mark them off with unmis- 
takable distinctness from the other races, who also speak Dravidian 
languages, and leaves the question of their ethnic relationship an 
unsolved problem. 



38 



Coorgs and Ycrnvas. 97 

VIJ. EXPLANATION OF PLATES. 

Plate I. 

Profiles of average Coorg and Yeruva men. 

The profiles are drawn to the same scale from the average measure- 
ments in the case of each tribe for height, length of head, length of 
nose, height of vertex above the intersupercialiary point, tragus and 
chin, facial angle, length of arm, height kneeling, and length of foot. 
As nearly as possible, too, the character of the hair, general facial 
expressions and usual modes of dress are represented. The plate is 
reduced by photography from the original drawing. The writer would 
suggest that this method of representing the physical characters of the 
tribes should when possible be adopted by the person who makes the 
measurements. It should be understood that no single individual ever 
represents the average of a tribe in all measurements, and for this 
reason photographs of individuals cannot convey a faithful impression 
to the ethnologist who is not content witli a mere general impression. 

Plates II and III. 
Coorg dress. 

The full dress of a Coorg consists of a long coat (kupasa) of dark- 
coloured cloth, open in front and stretching to the calves. The sleeves 
are cut off below the elbows exposing the arms of a white shirt, which 
is now generally of the regulation English pattern. A brightly coloured 
kamarband is tied around the waist and knotted on the left front. 
Into this, on the right side in front, the small Coorg knife (picha katti) is 
stuck, its sheath, ornamented with silver or gold facings, is fastened by 
an ornamental cord or metal chain to the waist-band. The large broad- 
bladed Coorg knife (odu-katti) is now more rarely worn (Plate III) 
When carried it is fixed into a brass clasp at the back, with its point 
directed obliquely up towards the left shoulder. Like the kukri of the 
Gurkha this large knife was a formidable weapon in the hands of the 
Coorg warrior engaged in a hand-to-hand fight. But it is now used 
only as a test of skill and strength on festive occasions, an actual test 
in competitions and a nominal one when, for instance, a bridegroom or 
the principal guest at a feast is expected to cut through the trunk of a 
plantain tree at one stroke. The full-dress puggaree is of peculiar 
design with flat top (Plate II), but it is now only worn by a few of 
the older men and would be 1'egarded as affectation in the young Coorg. 

39 



Coorgs and Yeruvas. 

Plates IV axd V. 
Portraits of Yeruvas. 

Portraits of individuals never show the average characters of any 
tribe ; but those of the Yeruva man and girl are sufficient to illustrate the 
unmistakable contrast which easily distinguishes any Yeruva from any 
Coorg. The portraits illustrate tlie platyrhine type of nose, the thick, 
slightly everted lips without distinct prognathism, the well-marked 
superciliary ridges, high cheek-bones and the black, wavy, tangled hair 
which contrasts with the straight hair of the Coorgs. Yeruvas seldom 
possess more than a few straggling hairs to represent a beard, whilst the 
Coorgs always show an abundant growth on the upper lip, face and chin. 



.in 



Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal 



Holland: Coorgs and Yeruvas, Plate I. 



I. A. S. B., Vol. LXX. (1901), Part III.. Ni 









y- • ■? ? *? * y s ? 6 ? 7 ? a 

Scaie of Centimetres 
Fr.qfil.es of- aveirace: Coorc and Yetruva men. 



T. 11. Holland, dolt. 



/■<■ by Bemrose & Sons. Ltd., Derby and London. 



Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal 
Holland . Coorgs & Yeruvas Vol LXX. Part III, Plate H. 




A COORG IN FULL DRESS 



T.H. Holland, delt. 



ChromoLit-ho by Thacker, Spink &. Cp, Calcutta 



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Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal 



Holland : Coorgs and Veruvas, Plate V. 



J. A. S. H., Vol. LXX. (1901), Part III.. No. .\ 




Photo. by II . Lea 



Collotype by Bemrose 6f Sous, l.td. s Derby and Londo 



PROFILE OF A YERUVA GIRL. 



From the Journal, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LXIV, Part I, No. 2. 

1895. 



Tibbat three hundred and sixty-five years ago. 



Tibbat three hundred and sixty-five years ago. — By Major H. G-. Ravertt, 

Bombay Native Infantry. {Retired.) 

[Read April 1895.] 

At the present time tlie exploration fever in Asia appears to be 

Lj directed towards Tibbat, l miscalled "Thibet," " Tibet," and the 
like, therefore it may be interesting to give an account of that region — 
of its western and northern portions chiefly — as it was seen by its first 
explorer nearly four centuries since. 

I refer to the Mu gh al Prince, the Mirza, Muhammad Haidar, the 
Gurgan, of the Doghl-at tribe of the Mughal s, son of the Mirza, Mu- 
hammad Husain, the Gurgan, who held the Government of Shash, or 
Tash-kand, on the part of the sovereign of Kashghar, to whom he was 
related, Muhammad Haidar's father being descended from Amir, Bulaci, 
the first Amir of Kash gh ar who embraced the Muhammadan faith. 
Sultan Sa'ld Khan, the ruler of Kashghar and Khutan, and their de- 
pendencies, at the period I am writing about, and in whose service 
Muhammad Haidar was, and to whom he was also related, married his 
sister, and gave him his own sister in marriage, hence Muhammad 
Haidar, like his father, and many others, not Amir Timur alone, as has 
I. <M commonly supposed, is styled Gurgan, that is to say, one who has 
married into the family of the reigning sovereign. Muhammad Haidar's 
mother, likewise, was the younger sister of Zahiru-d-din, Muhammad 
Bi ar's mother, they being the daughters of Tunas Khan, who held 
the Government of Audi j an, the capital of which was Shash or Tash- 
kand, and who was a direct descendant of Caghatae Khan, one of the 
sons of the Oingiz or Great Khan of the Mu gh al s. 

Before giving Mirza Haidar's account of Tibbat 1 it may be well to 
refer briefly to what the old Muhammadan writers say about it, but, 



OwV 



1 The word is spelt by all eastern writers, «^J — Tibbat —and in no other way. 

aotaal meaning of the word is *' fine wool," which is obtained from the roots of 
tho hair o\ ad which is woven into fine and soft fabrics — shuts— which is 

the signification of this latter word. 

B2 



Tibbat three- hundred and sixty-five years ago. 3 

unfortunately, they are mnch more brief in their accounts than we 
could have desired. 

'Ubaidu-1-lah, son of 'Abdu-1-lah, son of Khurdad-Bih, who died in 
300 H. (912 A.D.), in his Kitabu- l-aikbar, as quoted by the Gar- 
daizl in his Zainu-l-akhbar, mentions the well-known tradition of 
the Hamiii rulers of Yaman in Arabia having invaded Mawarau-n- 
nahr, and also of the invasion of Tibbat by one of the same race. 
'Ubaidu-1-lfth states, that there was a prominent man among the BanI 
Hamir whose name was Sabit, who was much trusted and depended 
upon by the Maliks of Yaman, whom they style Tubba'yawa'. On 
Tubba' conferring the lieutenantcy, or vice-royalty of the country upon 
Sabit, the latter's mother sent him a missive, saying : " One of the 
Tubba'yawa' set out towards the east, and used great efforts until he 
reached a country the verdure of which was gold, and its earth musk, 
and its grass (herbage) incense [fragrance, also the plant cinque foil, 
called the " Khik-i-Marynm " or " Panjah-i-Maryam — the Virgin Mary's 
Palm,"], its game the musk deer, its mountains snow, audits plains most 
pleasant." When Sabit read this missive he became very desirous 
of proceeding thither ; and having fitted out a large army, he set out 
towards that country. When he reached Tibbat he found that all 
he had been told was correct. * * * * He remained in that part, 
and got the title of Khaqan. * * * * But the route into Tibbat 
from Khutan, 1 until you come out on it, lies over lofty mountains, 
which contain inhabitants, and in those mountains are numerous 
animals, consisting of sheep, cattle, and wild sheep. 2 From thence 
you reach Salsan [c>l*>L» in another MS.~\, beyond which a bridge 
has been placed from one side of a mountain to another. 3 They say in 

1 Khutan, not " Khoten," for the letters with which it is written will not admit 
of such a mode of writing or pronunciation — according to the Tibbatl traditions, 
was anciently called Wu-than, at which period it was one of the strongholds of 
Buddhism. " Counting the wihars in and outside the city of Wu-than, there wore 
sixty large ivihdrs, ninety-five of medium size, and four-hundred and forty-eight 
temples." See "Journal" for 1S86, page 195. 

2 The qucqdr, also called the snow sheep. 

8 When MIrza Aba Bikr, defeated by Snltan Sa'Id Khan in 920 II. (151-1 A.D.), 
had to fly from Yar-kand, he retired to Khutan, but finding it was impossible to remain 
there, he retired towards the Qara-naqu Ttig-li. On arriving there, hearing that the 
Mughals were in pursuit, he again fled after destroying as nfuch of his immense bag- 
gage as he could, and pouring his treasures into the river Akiish, which flows through 
Qara-naqu Tagh, from the top of the bridge ; as the road was very narrow, and his 
flight was impeded by the immense amount of baggage and treasure, he took only 
such things along with him as could conveniently pass by that narrow route. He 
then set out; and when his pursuers reached his last halting place, they found that 
he had crossed the Qara-naqu Tiigh, and had entered Tibbat. 

S3 



4 Tilled three hundred and sixly-Jive years ago. 

this wise, that the Khutan people erected it in ancient times. Beyond 
this bridge of Tibbat Khaqan, there is a mountain range, that, when 
people begin to ascend it, it will take their breath away \_dam-i-mar da- 
rn an la-g'irad. The name of this malady it will be observed, is dam-girl 
from Persian dam, 'breath', and girl, 'taking', 'seizing', etc., from the 
verb 'giriftan' to seize, etc.], so that they cannot breathe, and their 
tongues become heavy, and many persons die thereof. The people of 
Tibbat call this range the Koh-i-Zahr, or Poison Range. When people 
proceed to Kash gh ar from thence [Tibbat], they go by a direct route 
between two ranges of mountains to the east [sic. in MS.~\, and pass 
over it, and reach a tract of country which they call Uz-kand. This 
tract is forty farsakks in extent, and half of it is mountain, and the 
other half is very rough and furrowed. 

The chronicler, Abu Ja'far, Muhammadu-t-tabari, who wrote about 
the same time as the writer just quoted, relates, that Shamir, 
surnamed Zu-1-janah, a nephew of Tubba'u-1-asghar, the Hamirl king 
of Yaman, invaded China. It came about in this wise, that the ruler of 
Hind sent his ambassador to Shamir with presents, consisting of silken 
fabrics, frankincense, musk, and other rarities. Shamir inquired if all 
these precious things were the produce of Hind, and was told that most 
of them came from Cm, a country the 'Arabs had not before heard of. 
Shamir was so stimulated from the account given to him of Cin, 
that he resolved to undertake an expedition into that country. Some 
other writers, like 'Ubaidu-1-lah, just quoted, say, that Shamir was com- 
manded to undertake this expedition by one of the kings of Yaman, 
whom the others say was Tubba'u-1-asghar, but he lived many years 
subsequent to Shamir. The Hamiri prince is said to have led an army 
under one hundred standards, and under each standard were one 
thousand men, across the Jihun from the territory of Balkh, and from 
thence to the frontiers of Hind, 1 where he himself remained while he 
despatched part of his forces against Cm. This force having been 
defeated by the Cinis, Shamir resolved to proceed in person with the 
rest of his army, and he set out through the country of Turkistan, 
skirting the territory of Tibbat, in which he left a force of 12,000 men 
as a reserve. Shamir succeeded in Cm, and returned from thence 

The name of this mountain still exists, but, in Walker's map of Turkistan ifc 
appears as the name of a halting place, under the name of " Karangotak," about 
one hundred and three miles south of Khutan, and the bridge over the AkaPh 
river was immediately north of it. The narrow route, and the bridge appears to be 
the same as noticed above. 

i The fabagat-i-Nafirt says he went by way of Kabul to the frontiers of 
Hind. 

84 



TLhh at three hundred and sixty-five years ago. 5 

through Turkistan towards Hind [the borders are doubtless meant, and 
by a different route from that by which he went], with a vast amount of 
booty ; and from thence conducted his forces back to Yaman, having 
been absent on this expedition for a period of seven years. " Those 12,000 
men were never withdrawn from the skirts of the territory of Tibbat ; 
and vestiges of them are still to be found in Turkistan in that direction." 
The Tajziks of Tiiran are their probable descendants. 

Shamir is also said to have destroyed, at the outset of this ex- 
pedition, the ancient capital of the Sughd, and to have founded another 
town in its place, which was named Shamir-kand, hand in TurkI mean- 
ing a town, which 'Arabs change to qand, and which in course of time 
grew into a city, and its name to Samr-qand. According to the chroni- 
clers quoted, Shamir lived in the time of Kai-Grushtasib and Bahman, 
rulers of I-ran-Zamln. It was the former who removed Bukht-un- 
Nassar (Nebuchadnezzer) from the government of Babal, for his cruelty 
towards the BanI Isra'il. 

The 'Aja'ibu-1-baladan says much the same as ut-Tabari respecting 
the Tubba'yawa' invasion. 

The " Kitab-i-Masalik wa Mamalik" says : " If one desires to pro- 
ceed from the east [Cln] towards the west, by the country of the Nae- 
mans, the territory of Khirkhiz, the Ta gh ar-i-Grhuzz, and Kimak, towards 
the sea, it is a journey of nearly four months. * * * * The country 
of Tibbat lies between the land of Khirkhiz and the kingdom of Cin. 
Cin lies between the sea, the land of the Ghuzz, and Tibbat, etc." 

Ibn Hauqal who finished his work in 366 H. (976 A.D.), states, that 
he saw a gate at Samr-qand, the front of which was overlaid with iron, 
and on it was an inscription in the Hamiri language, saying, that " from 
San'a to Shamar, or Samr-qand, is a distance of one thousand farsakhs." 

The Tasmiyatu-1-baladan says that in those early times Samr- 
qand was called Cin ! 

In his history, entitled the " Tarikh-i-Rashidi," the Mirza, Muham- 
mad Haidar, first refers to Tibbat in the following words. 1 

" On the west side of Kashghar likewise, a great range extends, 
which branches off from the mountain ranges of Mughalistan, and runs 
from the north towards the south. The writer of this work has tra- 
versed the mazes of this great range for a distance of six months' 
journey, and even then had not reached the extremity thereof, as will 
presently be explained." * * * * 

1 I may mention that I translated this account of Tibbat from Mirza Haidar' s 
work some seventeen years ago; and other extracts have appeared in the Trans- 
lation of the Tabaqat-i-NasirJ, and my Notes on Afghanistan, etc. 

85 



6 Tibbat three hundred and sixty-five years ago. 

He subsequently gives the following account of his expedition into 
Tibbat, which I will render in his own words. 

Account op the Holt War in Tibbat. 

" Sultan Sa'id Khan having come to the determination of under- 
taking a holy war against the infidels of Tibbat, it is necessary to give 
some account of that country. It lies in such a position that few 
travellers can manage to reach it. on account of the exceeding difficulty 
of the routes. It is a maze of mountains and valleys, rough, and fur- 
rowed with formidable passes and tremendous defiles ; and is, in every 
respect, a most difficult and inhospitable region. What from the exces- 
sive keenness of the air, the paucity of forage, the scarcity of fuel, and 
the lawless and obdurate people who infest the routes and plunder 
those who happen to fall in their way, there are few travellers who 
have effected a passage through it. 1 It is on this account, probably, 
that Tibbat is not mentioned in such trustworthy books as the "Mu'aj- 
jamu-1-baladan," the " Jam-i-Gltl," the " Mulhaqat-i-Surah," and 
others, the authors of which have not described Tibbat as other coun- 
tries have been described therein, and have contented themselves with 
a brief summary respecting it, but from which, what Tibbat really is, 
is not to be gathered in the least. For this reason, 1 have the boldness 
here to endeavour to show and set forth what the territories included in 
Tibbat really consist of, and to furnish other information respecting it 
which is not obtainable from books. 

"The region called Tibbat is a vast tract of country in length 
between north and west (IS. W.), and south and east (S. E.), eight 
months' journey, but the breadth of which does not exceed a month's 
journey, and not less than ten days' journey. 2 The north-west boun- 
dary adjoins Bilaur, the position of which has been previously given ; 
and on the south-east Tibbat extends to Khojii and Salar, which are 
among the dependencies of Kan j an Qu-I of Kb.it a, as has been already 
detailed in the account which I have giveD of the mountain ranges of 
Mu gh alistan and Kashghar; ° for the principal mountain range of 

1 But in these days, the " new -woman " finds her way all about this, as well as 
other out-of-the-way countries, not liking ' home.' 

2 The Tibbati writers consider all Tibbat to constitute what is known to the 
ancient writers as " Jambu DwJpa ; " and that to the east and north-east of Tibbafc 
Proper, that is, " U " and <: Thsang," lies in the country of Great Tibbat. " Central 
Tibbat " they called " Dvus," the first and last letters of which in italics, according 
to the 1 ibbati mode of writing, arc not pronounced. 

8 In the same way as with regard to Tibbat, people will, down to almost the 
most recent traveller, persist in calling this place and its territory " Xashgar," 
which, of course, is incorrect. We can from this imagine how other names must be 
viti.-ii«:d by them. 
86 



Tibhat three hundred and .sixty- five years ago. 7 

Mughalistan, 1 the whole of which branches out in different directions, 
passes north of Kashghar, bends down to the west of that territory, and 
then bending southwards again, passes south of Kash gh ar. The territory 
of Farghanah also lies to the westward of Kash gh ar, and this very range 
here referred to lies between them. Thus the portion lying between 
Kashghar and Far gh anah is called Alae. Badakhshan lies to the west 
of Yar-kand, and there likewise the range in question lies between ; 
and this last portion of it, lying between Yar-kand and Badakhshan is 
called the Pa-m!r, 2 which, in some places, is seven or eight days' jour- 
ney in breadth. After it passes beyond this [south wards j, there are 
some of the mountain skirts [hill tracts] of Yar-kand, which adjoin 
Bilaur, such as Ras-kam and Ta gh -i-Dum Bash. When it has passed 
beyond this again, then comes the region of Tibbat. Badakhshan lies 
on the summer west [i.e., the direction in which the sun sets in the 
height of summer] of Yar-kand, as previously mentioned, and Kash- 
mir lies on the winter west of Yar-kand ; and the very same range of 
mountains runs between them. That portion of it which lies between 
Yar-kand and Kash-mrr, is that part of the region of Tibbat which is 
known as Baltl. 3 In the same manner as this range is very broad from 
the Alae Pa-Mir, in Balti it is still more so, being twenty days' journey 
in breadth. For example, the pass ascending into it on the side of 
Yar-kand is the i Uqbah, or Pass, of Sanju, and that for descending 
from it towards Kash-niir is the 'Uqbali, or Pass, of Skardu or Iskardu, 
and between these two Passes the distance is twenty days' journey. 
In the same way, on the winter west of Khutan some of the districts 
and provinces of Hind lie, such as Labor, Sultan-pur, and Maci-Warah ; 
and that same range of mountains previously mentioned lies between. 
That portion which lies between Khutan, and the before-mentioned 
places [i.e., between Khutan and Hind] belongs to the country of Tibbat, 
such as Arduk, Kokah, and Asbatl. 

" In the same manner, it is necessary to understand, that west and 
south of the great range which I have previously mentioned as termi- 

1 Which the Chinese style Thian-Shan. 

2 In one of his recent letters — the last I think — to The Times on "The Pamir 
Question," M. Vambery says : " I must begin by alluding to the rather curious fact 
that the name Pamir, as a geographical denomination, is utterly unknown in Turkes- 
tan. It does not occur in any of the historical records extant." Here is a proof 
of it, as may be found in many " records extant ;" but no such term applied to it as 
" Bdm-i-Dunya (roof of the world) " can be shown in any oriental record whatever : 
the term is a purely European invention. 

See my Notes on Afghanistan, etc., page 295-307, for what Bilaur consists of, 
and where it lies. 

5 In another place he says Bitti is a territory lying between Bilaur and Tibbat. 

87 



8 Tihbat three hundred and sixty-five years ago. 

nating on the south-east as far as Khoju and Salar, dependencies of 
QamjQand Sukju-i of Khita, 1 is Hindustan; and that from Bahrah 
and Labor to Bangalab, the whole lie on the southern skirts of this 
great mountain range. All the rivers of Hind flow out of it ; and the 
whole of the region of Tibbat follows, and is conformable with, the 
courses of all those rivers [on those sides]. To the north and east of 
Tibbat are Yar-kand, Kbutan, Jar-jan [" Charchand " of A — K's 
explorations and map], Lob, Kanak, and the Sarigh I-ghur, and the 
rest is sandy desert, the boundary of which adjoins Qam-cu and Suk- 
ju-i of Khita. 

The rivers issuing from the mountains of Tibbat flowing towards 
the west and south, are all rivers of Hind, such as the Nil-Ab, the 
Ab-i-Balirah [the Bihat or Jihlam], the Cin-ab, the Ab-i-Lahor [the 
Bawi], the Ab-i-Sultan-pur [the Biah, which in the author's day flowed 
close to Sultan-pur], and the Ab-i-Bij-Warab [the Sutlaj ?], the com- 
bined volumes of which rivers signify, in other words, the Darya-i-Sind 
[Indus]. On the other hand, the Jun [or Yamuna, vul. " Jamna,"], the 

_r. and other rivers, all enter Bangalab, and unite with the ocean ; and 
all that flow out of the mountains of Tibbat towards the east and north, 
such as the river of Yar-kand [Zar-Afshan], 8 the Aq-Qash, the Qara- 

1 The Fanakati says : " What the people themselves call Khan-zjQ Khan -que, 
which the Mughals call Jaqut, or Jah-qut, and Hindus call Cm, and we people of 
Mawarii-un-Nahr call Khita or Khitae." See Tabaqat-i-Ndsirl, page 912. 

2 In the article on the " Pevtsof Expedition," in the Geographical Journal, 
for Jaly, 1893, we learn with respect to the " Yarkand-daria," that the Russian spies 
were nnahle to carry their observations farther south than " Ish-debeh ": — " Unfor- 
tunately no contemporaneous observations were made, and therefore no positive 
conclusions could be formed. The Yarkand-daria is the chief river of Eastern 
Turkestan ; its course is upwards of 1,300 miles long, and the determination of its 
sources is an interesting geographical problem," page 62. 

As to this " problem," Slirza Haidar says, in another part of his work, that 
" The water of the river of Yar-kand is the best of the waters of the world (in 
purity), and all the praises which physicians and sages have bestowed upon it are 
brae and just. At the distance of one month's journey it issues from the mountains 
uf Tibbat, and originates from the melting of snow and ice [from a glacier?], and 
Hows from south towards the north over rocks and sand, and with great swiftness. 
Winn it reaches Sariq Kol, which is the name of a well known territory of Kash- 
mir, its rapidity increases, and it dashes, and is dashed, against rocks and stones, 
and (lows towards the east for a distance of seven days' journey, until it reaches 
level, open ground, and then flows for a distance of two days' journey more in 

my, rocky bed, with great rapidity, until it reaches Yar-kand," etc., etc. 

According to the Survey Report, written nearly a century since, repeatedly 

I by me in my Afghanistan, " the interesting geographical 

problem" ms then solved. It states, that after leaving the pass over the QarS- 

irarda Zar-kaad, instead of keeping towards the north towards the 



Tilbat three hundred and sixty-Jive years ago. 9 

Q ash, the Ab-i-Kiriah [" Kiria : ' of A — K's explorations], and Ab-i- 
Jar-jan, 1 all empty themselves into the Lob ISTawar [or Lob Lake, which 
geographers will persist in calling Lob-Jior 2 ], which Lob Nawar is a 
great lake in the vast sandy desert tract which has been previously 
referred to. From some Mughals who knew this lake, I heard that 
it takes three months to go round about it, and that from the lower part 
of it issues a great river which is known by the name of the Qara 
JNuran [Miiran ?] of Khitae. 

" From this description it will appear that Tibbat occupies a very 
elevated position, because the waters issuing from it, all fall down in 
every direction ; and from whatever side a person desires to enter 
Tibbat, it is necessary to do so by ascending lofty passes which have no 
subsequent descent ; and when you reach the summits the ground is 
comparatively level. 3 In some of the passes there may be a little 

Siinju Pass, you keep more to the left, and in four stages reach KahaplQ-Aghzah 
(referring probably to the place of many spurs, or many mouths or exits, and 
ascents). 

Leaving Kahaplii-Aghza (the " Kapaloong " of some maps), another five stages 
take you to Ciragh Shah, (the " Chiraghsaldee" of some maps), another now 
desolate halting place ; so called after some Sayyid, and by the way, meet with 
much water, and many grassy tracts. There are springs of water here in all 
directions ; and the water from them having united, and having been joined by 
other small tributaries, flows towards the north, towards Yar-kand, and receives the 
name of Zar- Afghan. — " The Disperser or Scatterer of Gold." It is after this that 
its velocity becomes so great. 

The next stage onwards from Ciragh Shah leads over the Kudu Daban, or 
Dawan, or Pass (the " Yangee Dewan" of some maps, and Yangi Pass of others). 
Daban or Dawan — 'b' and ' w' being interchangeable is the Turkish for a pass. 
This pass is of great elevation, and here the territory of Tibbat-i-Kalan or Great 
Tibbat terminates. 

1 As Mirza Haidar makes a difference between the letters ' j ' and ' c ' when 
necessary, I have left his words as they are written. This place is A — K's 
" Char-chand," bat I prefer the Mirza' s mode of writing. 

2 Xdwar is the Turk! for a lake, not Nor. Vast physical changes must have 
taken place since the Mirza wrote ; for we are told, that, according to the statements 
of M. Bonvalot, " it may be said that L6b-N6r has no existence in name or in fact j 
that there only exists beds of reeds and sand dunes, and that the largest sheet of 
water is called the Kara Bnran." 

The "KaraBuran" here mentioned, is Mirza Haidar' s great river, the Qura 
Nuran [Muran?]. 

3 Although Mirza. Haidar does not expressly mention by name " the newly- 
discovered Altyn-tagh mountains [the Altan Tagk, or Altan range] " of Prejevalsky, 
and the discovery that " the northern barrier of the Tibetan plateau," advanced " to 
the meridian of Lob Nor 3° farther to the north than had hitherto been supposed," 
but from what he says here, the Mirza was perfectly cognizant that Tibbat extend- 
ed thus far north, and that its northern barrier consisted of mountains — a cross 

89 



10 Tibbat three hundred and sixty-five years ago. 

inclination downwards, but not much. On this account Tibbat is ex- 
Lvely cold, in such wise, that in most places, with the exception of 
barley and turnips, nothing else is cultivated. The barley, too, is sucb 
as is for the most part grown aud ripened in the short space of forty 
days, if at first, the cold of a long winter does not prevent the seed 
coming Tip soon. In most places in Tibbat grass continues green for 
two months; and in some places therein, although the summer season 
is nominally forty days, it is after such a fashion, that, after midnight, 
i lie rivers and streams freeze ; and throughout Tibbat the keenness of 
of the air is so great, that no tree, indeed not even grass, attains any 
height : all is stunted in growth. 

'■ The inhabitants of Tibbat are separated into two divisions. One 
j- called JioUPa, that is to say, dwellers in villages or hamlets, and the 
other canbah, that is sghra-nishtn or nomads ; and they pay obedience to 
one or other of the governments or provinces of Tibbat. These nomad 
people have some astonishing customs, such as are not followed by other 
races of people. The first is, that they devour flesh and all other food 
in a law state, and have no custom of cooking whatever. 1 Secondly, 
in place of corn, they give their horses flesh; and thirdly, all their 
bnrdens, baggage, utensils, and the like, they put on the backs of sheep, 
each of which carries a load of about twelve legal manns? The sheep 
have saddle bags, crupper, and breastplate, fitted and fastened on to 
them, and they load them with as much as they can possibly carry. 
They never take off these loads except out of necessity [from the 
beginning to the end of a journey] ; and winter and summer the load is 
kept fastened upon their backs. 

range — stretching from the Pa-mir portion of the great range lie has described, for 
several degrees farther eastwards, and passing L5b Nawar on the south. Indeed, 
lh" middle route from Yar-kand by Khutan to Khitae in those days skirted the 
northern slopes of that veiy range; and the Cingiz Khan returning from the 
neighbourhood of Peshawar by Bamian and Buqlan into Mawara-nn-Nahr and 
Turk ist fin, moved against Tingqut by this same route. See Tabaqat-i-Ndsirl, note 
to page 98] . 

The Fanakati, in his history, says, with reference to the excessive elevation of 
Tibbat and its mountains, that the following line of the poet, FirdausJ, is applicable 
t <> them, for from them 

" < >f the fish [which supports the world] thou seest the belly, and of the moon 
tho back." 

1 GruebeT also says: " The people of Barantola are very slovenly, for that 
neither nun, nor women, wear shirts, or lie in beds, but sleep on the ground : 
That they eat their meat raw, and never wash their hands or faces," etc. 

2 The maim is a small one, and varies, it is said, in Tibbat, from 21bs. to 61bs. 
Hamilton says in hie account of Bengal and its trade with Tibbat, that the load for 

p i- from 1- to 2<j ibs. 
90 



Tibbat three hundred and sidy-five years ago. 11 

" The mode of life of the Canbaha or nomads is after this manner. 
In winter they descend from the mountain parts before named towards 
the west and south, which is Hindustan, and bring down with them 
Khitae goods, and musk, and tanah-kdr or tanah-gdr [borax], ma h-farfin 
[purslain], qutas [yak tails], gold, and shdl [fabrics], which are Tib- 
batl goods and merchandize, 1 and carry on traffic with the Hindus of 
the mountain skirts of Hindustan. From thence these Canbahs pur- 
chase and take home with them goods and manufactures of Hindustan, 
such as clothing [piece goods for clothing], sweets, rice, wheat, etc., 
with which they load their sheep, and in the spring set out on their 
return to Tibbat, there being forage obtainable then, and their sheep 
numerous. They proceed leisurely, allowing the sheep to graze by the 
way, wdthout interruption, and without stoppage, and reach Tibbat 
in the summer. Then, collecting such produce of Tibbat as may be 
saleable in Khitae, they load their sheep and convey these articles, along 
with the products of Hindustan they had brought witli them [over and 
above what they required for home use], and set out towards Khitae. 
and spend the following winter therein. Having then disposed of 
their Hindi and TibbatI goods, they again collect the products of 
Khitae, and set out for Tibbat in the following spring, aud again reach 
it in the summer. They then collect such products of Tibbat as they 
require, and with them and the Khitae ladings, they descend as before 
into the lower hill tracts of Hindustan ; and there they receive the 
hire for the conveyance of goods into Khitae; and the hire for what 
they carry from Hindustan they receive in Khitae. Thus they pass 
one winter in Hindustan and the next one in Khitae alternately. This 
is the custom followed by the whole of the Canbali. There are some of 
them who may have conveyed 10,000 sheep loads ; and from the rate of 
twelve manns to each sheep, one can compute what is the extent of traffic, 
and what amount of goods they convey once a year from Hindustan 
to Khitae, and vice versa. At all times these loads and burdens accom- 
pany them wherever they go, except in case of any affliction or misfor- 
tune befalling them ; and thus the loads they place on their sheep in 
Khitae they only remove when they reach Hindustan, and in the same 
manner when they return from thence to Tibbat and Khitae again. I 
have never heard of such customs among any other people, and in many 
places it would scarcely be believed. 

" These Canbah or nomads are a numerous people : for example, 
one tribe among them, whom they style Dol-bah, will amount to above 

l Pere Re<ns says ! " The chief commodities in which the inhabitants trade 
with neighbouring countries, are Mask, Rhubarb, Worm-seed, and Furs. The most 
excellent Rhubarb comes from hence. 

01 



12 Tibbat three hundred and sixty-five years ago. 

50,000 families, 1 and like this tribe there are several others. The 
writer has made inquiry among the most trustworthy persons among 
them, respecting the number of these Canbahs or nomads, and their 
answer was, that they were unable to say, for that God alone knew the 
number of them. 

" The dwellers in villages, or sedentary people, who are styled 
Bol-pa, are distributed among certain territories, such for example as 
Balti, which is one of the territories of Tibbat, and that comprehends 

;il other [smaller] territories or districts such as Purlk and Habu- 
lah, and Shiga, and Skardu or Iskardu, and Ladaqs. 2 Each of these 
contain forts, stations, and villages (with their lands). Those parts of 
the region of Tibbat which I have myself seen, the greater number of 
which were either taken by force of arms, or were acquired possession 
of after some endeavours by voluntary surrender, are some parts of 
Haiti, Zan-skar, Mar-yol, 3 Yudaq, Kokah, Lo, Poras, Rongah, Mankab, 
ZlrBti or Zersu, Kangar, Nisan or Naisan, Yam, Ala Lae Long, Tok-o- 
Labok, Asbarak or Asabarak, the whole of which I have traversed. 
From Asbarak people proceed to Bangalah in twenty-four stages; and 
Orsang Lies easi of Asbarak, and Bangalah lies south of it. Ursang is 
tie' place to which throughout Khitae and Tibbat, they turn to, to pray, 
ami is the most sacred temple of those people. What the writer has 
heard concerning it, being impossible of verification by him, is conse- 
quently not recorded, and possibly most of it is untrue. In short, it 
is the seat of learniug, and city of the monks of Khitae and Tibbat. 

In explanation of the wonders op, and different places in, Tibbat. 

" Of this region of Tibbat which I have myself seen, the manners 
and customs of its people are after such a fashion, that, notwithstand- 

I much desire to give a full description of them, T find it impossible 
to do so. However, I will record some of the astonishing things wdiich 
1 have beheld, or which, time after time, have been vei'ified in my pre- 
sence, on account of their strangeness. Among these, one is the gold 
mines. In most places frequented by the Canbahs there are goldmines; 
indeed in most of the Tibbat territory there is gold. Among these are 
two wonderful mines. One is in what is called Altun-cl Tibbat by the 

1 The people called tlio white and black tent nomads in the Index to the revised 
sheets of A — K's explorations are, donbtless, the Canbahs here noticed. 

* The Tibbatifl, in their writings, spell this word much the same as illrza 
Gaidar — " Ladig " and " Ladvags " (the last letter in italics not being sounded; 
and ili'jv oall the fort thereof " Sles-?/ikhar." 

8 Mis-called, as usual, in tho best maps cveu, " Murol," and in some others 
"Malial." 



Tibbat three hundred and sixty-five years ago. 13 

Mughals, 1 in which some of the branches of Dol-bah Canbahs, or 
nomads, already noticed, work ; but on account of the excessive coldness 
of the air they are not able to work more than forty days in each year. 
The shafts (adits) open on level ground, in such wise that a person can 
enter them ; and the shafts are numerous, and most of them lead one 
into the other. It is affirmed that as many as three hundred families 
at a time continue at all times to dwell in these shafts or holes. 
The passage of some Mughals happened to lie that way, and being 
perceived by the Dol-bah from a distance, when they drew near, 
these people crept into the shafts so that the Mughals could not find 
one of them. In these shafts, likewise, they do not burn any oil, only 
claritied fat of sheep, in which no tallow is contained. They bring the 
earth in sieves to the mouths of the shafts and wash it, and it is said 
that from one sieve-full of earth, as much as ten misqdls (each misqal 
being about one dram and a half ) are on an average produced. The 
same person digs out the earth, brings it out, and washes it himself ; 
and in the course of a day can fill and wash twenty sieves-full. 
Although this matter has not been verified and tested by me, neverthe- 
less, the statement agrees in every way with the reports current in 
Tibbat, and therefore it has been recorded here. 

" Another territory is Kokah, which contains some two hundred 
forts. Its length is three days' journey ; and there is gold to be found 
in every part of it. They dig out a certain quantity of earth and 
spread it out on the face of a cured hide, and pick out the gold there- 
from which is in grains. Some of these grains are of the size of lentils, 
or peas ; and it is said, that, sometimes, nuggets of the size of an egg 
and even of the size of a sheep's liver, or even larger are found. 2 At 

1 Altun or Altan is the Turk! for gold, but not " Altyng ; " and Altun-ci Tibbat 
refers to the northern parts thereof, near the " recently discovered, Altyn moun- 
tains." 

2 All the rivers issuing from these mountains bring down gold — the Indus, 
the Knnar, the Yar-kand river, as its name indicates, namely, Zar-Afshan — the 
Soatterer or Diffuser of gold — and several others. 

Among the rarities despatched by the Cingiz or Great Khan to Sultan 
Muhammad, the Khwarazm Shah, was a larger nugget than this one by far. The 
author of the Tabaqdt-i-Ndsiri states (page 966) that, " Among the rarities and 
presents sent to the Saltan was a nugget of pure gold, as big as a camel's neck, 
which they had brought to him [the Cingiz Khan] from the mountain range of 
Tamghaj, so that it was necessary to convey that piece of gold upon a cart." 

The ruler of Tamghaj in the time of the Cingiz Khan was styled The Altan 
Khan, altan or altun in Turkish signifying gold. Tamghaj is described as the 
name of a territory of Turkistan, i.e., the country inhabited by Turks, and the name 
generally applied to the Badshahs or sovereigns of Tibbat and Yugkma ; and Tamghaj 
and Yughma are said to have been " the names of cities giving names to coun- 
tries also." 

93 



14 Tibbat three hundred and sixty-five years ago. 

the time that I, the writer of these pages, fixed a capitation tax upon 
the Kdkah Chiefs, they related, that, only a short time before, a labourer 
was excavating in a certain part, when the implement he was using 
became so firmly fixed in a place, that, with all his efforts, he was unable 
to withdraw it again. He removed the earth from around, and what 
does he behold but a large stone, and in the middle of it embedded was 
gold, and the spade firmly fixed thei'ein. Leaving it just as it was, he 
went away and informed the Hakim or Governor of the matter, when 
that functionary, and those then present with him, went in a body to the 
Bpot, and took hold of the mass, broke the stone, and one thousand five 
hundred misq&ls of pure Tibbati gold were extracted from it, each 
misqal of that part being a misqal and a half of the usual weight ! 

" The gold of Kdkah which they extract from the earth is, iudeed, 
BO pnre, that, however much it may be assayed and tested, the only loss 
thai arises is the right of the fire [i.e., what is lost by heating and 
melting] ; and this fact is considered astonishing and wonderful by 
travellers and assayers, and probably nowhere else in the world can 
such a thing be pointed out. 

" In most parts of Tibbat the goods and merchandize of Khita and 
Hind are to be obtained in much the same proportion and quantity. 

" Another of the wonders of Tibbat is what is called dam-girt [stop- 
page of the breath or suffocation from stagnation of the air, as it is 
described], and this malady prevails throughout the whole of Tibbat; 1 

l The author of the Survey Record I have before referred to, in his account of 
the route from Pashat, where gold washing has been carried on for centuries (the 
"Pisliut'' of the maps) to Goslak (see my Notes on Afghanistan, etc., page 145), 
over the Calas Ghashaey, or Pas3, says : " The summit of this mountain range, 
which is named Knnd by the Afghans and Th-aj Mir by the Tajziks of Qashqar 
[Kashghar and Qashqar are totally distinct countries], and which always appears 
white from excessive snow, lies on the left hand. By the way are dense forests, 
among the trees of which are many descriptions of fruit-bearing trees, and much 
and herbage of various species ; and as from the smell of the grass (or herb- 
■ person becomes stupified, people take an oninn along with them in their 
hands, and immediately on their brain becoming affected they smell the onion and 
also eat it, and their brain recovers from the effect." 

From this it appears that the " onion mountains" are more than one ran^e. 

In another place the Surveyor says, that the Mir Shah Eiza, Badshfih or Chief 
of Drush, a dependency of Qashqar, or Citral, who was an enthusiastic geographer, 
told him likewise, that the range extends in an unbroken, conterminous chain 
from the trad of country inhabited by the Qirghiz nomads (immediately south and 

of Kashghar), as far as Sirat, and that Hindu Kush is merely the name of one 

of bhe passes leading over it. This range is also called Sarowar [the same word as 

I '" " Lai iwar," of the maps], and the Afghans style it Knnd, both 

( .r which words are of the Bame meaning, Sarowar and Knnd being the Sanskrit for 

' lake,' ' pond/ ' pool 

94 



Tihhat three hundred and tidy-five years ago. 15 

but where there are forts and villages there it prevails to a less degree. 
In all cases the symptoms are the same: the respiration is always 
affected or stopped, and a person's head burns in the same manner as if 
he had taken a heavy load upon it and had ran up a very high ascent 
with it ; and on account of this burning sensation he cannot speak 
without much effort. Then sleep overpowers him, but as yet the eyes 
are scai^cely closed in sleep — what from the difficulty of respiration and 
the burning sensation in the head, and pain in the lungs and chest — than 
he awakes again in great anguish and agitation ; and this is the state 
into which people always fall when attacked with this malady. When 
it increases, delirium ensues, and the person begins to talk incoherently, 
and sometimes has not the power to utter a word. The face, hands, and 
feet swell ; and when this change has come, the person dies between the 
morning and the early forenoon. It sometimes happens that a person 
attacked lingers in this state for some days ; and if, during this time, 
death does not supervene, and the invalid reaches a fort or village, or 
other inhabited place, there is a chance of his life being saved, but if 
not, death is certain to happen. 

" Strange to say, this malady does not attack the people of Tibbat, 

In another place (Notes, page 309), on crossing the Qarii-Quram range from 
Kahaplu Aghzii, he says, that "on the way thither, you meet with a vast deal of 
snow, and much water, grass, and herbage. As the smell emanating from these 
grasses produces faintness and stupefaction, travellers take care to provide them- 
selves with onions when they travel by this route. When a person becomes affected 
from the smell, and feels faintness coming over him, his companions give him an 
onion to eat, and also one to smell at, and this is said to be an effectual antidote." 

It is doubtful, however, whether it would have the same effect if the person 
continued in that part; for, of course, only the first symptoms of dam-girl, are here 
referred to. 

The Buddhist pilgrims, Hwui Seng and Sung Yun, which latter is said to have 
been a native of Tibbat, who visited these parts in 518 A.D., in the translation of 
their ti-avels by Beal from the Chinese (page 183), say : "After entering the Th'sung 
Ling for Onion Mountains), step by step we crept up for four days, and then readied 
the highest point of the range. * * * * To the west of the Th'sung Ling 
mountains all the rivers flow to the westward. * * * * To the eastward of the 
capital of this country [Han-pan-to, Pan-to, or Khartchou], there is a rapid river (or 
a river, Mang-tsin, or a wide ford river) flowing to the north-east towards Sha-Ieh 
(Sand-curb, see note 2 page 88)." Here, of course, the Zar-Afshfm, described by 
Mirza Haidar, is referred to, which is styled by the name of Mangshin [Mang-tsin] 
up to the present time. 

What I particularly wish to draw attention to here is the coincidence of the 
range being called the "Onion Mountains" in 518 A.D., from which it is evident that 
onions have been used for at least some fourteen centuries as an antidote against an 
attack of dam-girl (see also page 84), and that the probability is, that the range 
got the name of Th'sung Ling, or Onion Mountains, from this use of onions. 

95 



16 Tibbat three hundred and sixty-five years ago. 

who are unacquainted with it : strangers alone are liable to its attacks ; 
and their physicians cannot account for this disease attacking strangers 
and non-dwellers in Tibbat, 1 neither do they or any one else know any 
remedy for it. The colder tbe air the more people are affected by it ; 
and it not only attacks human beings, but every living creature [foreign 
to Tibbat ?], and more particularly human beings and horses, as will 
be presently shown. When on one occasion it became necessary to 
make a rapid inroad of one day's journey, and we set out, on the follow- 
ing morning when I awoke, the horses with the force which accompanied 
me seemed very few. On making investigation I found that in that one 
night 2,000 horses had died; and of my own stud alone there were 
twenty-four spare horses which had been taken on, and out of them 
no less than twenty-three had died ! This malady seems to affect horses 
even more than human beings; and save in Tibbat, I never heard any- 
thing like it happening any where else. 

" The ' ulamcl, or ecclesiastics of Tibbat, are all, without exception, 
called by the general name of Lamah, 8 but they are styled by different 
titles according to the degree and description of their learning. For 
example : in my time they styled an Imam and a Mujtahid, " Tongbah " 
and '• Kajuwa," respectively. 3 I used to converse a good deal with 
them by means of an interpreter ; but, when the discourse became 
somewhat difficult and abstruse, the interpreter used to be unable to 
understand it perfectly, and incapable of interpreting it, consequently, 
the conversation on such occasions would remain incomplete and un- 
finished. But what I understood of the fundamental articles of their 
belief is this [the author here gives an account of the Buddhist doctrine 
which I need not insert here, but merely add what he afterwards men- 
tions regarding the Buddha himself]. " The doctrine of Shaka Muni 
is the religious belief of all Khitae and Tibbat. In the former country 
they style him Bhaqiya Muni, and in the latter, Shaqa Toba [or 

1 Tho Tibbatis we may sny, are born to it, and therefore are not affected 
like strangers by snch a rarified atmosphere. 
8 Or Liinbah, both being correct. 

8 An Imam is prelate or chief priest, a leader in religions matters, and Mujta- 
hid, an expounder of the law, traditions, etc., and of the Qur'an. It must not 
be supposed that the Mirza means that these Tibbati words are translations of 
1 in. in and Mujtahid: he merely means that the Bnddhist priests of high rank or 
are so styled. Tongbah is probably what the Tibbatis style " Tsonkhapa." 
r. ling to the author of the Tabaqat-i-Nasirl (see page 1106) however "in 
ae of the Great Qa'an, Cktiie, son of the Ciugiz Khan, masjids were founded 
in all the cities of Tingit, Tamghfij. and Tibbat, and the countries of CIn ; and all 
tho forts and strongholds of the countries of the east were given iu charge to a 
number of Mosabnan Amirs*" 



Tibbat three hundred and sixty-five years ago. 17 

Toya ?], but, in history, the name is written Shaka Muni. In some 
Histories he is accounted among the prophets of Hind, and some aver 
that he was a philosopher. * * * Shaka Muni declared that of the 
12i,000 apostles or prophets who were to follow him, the last would 
be named Janksabak, who would be an orphan, without father or 
mother, and all the world would become converts to his faith ; that 
he himself would impart the precepts of his religion, so that it 
might be transmitted from one generation to another by these prophets 
down to the period of Janksabak's blessed appearance. He also 
declared that the countenance of this prophet would be in such and such 
wise ; and he had given an image which every one should take cave to 
preserve, because a being would be born of that likeness, and that, 
before all other people, they should believe on him. At this time, in 
all their idol-temples, the image or likeness which occupies the chief 
place, is the image of this expected Janksabah, and all the likenesses 
which they make are with reference to him. 1 

" Another of the territories or districts of Tibbat is Zonkah, which 
is the most noted and esteemed in all Tibbat. In that part the mdh- 
farfin is produced. 

" I saw there a mandate from a Badshah of Khitae, written in the 
Khita-I character, in one corner of which the purport thereof was 
written in the Tibbati alphabet, and in another corner-, a translation in 
the Persian language, 2 neatly written in the naskh character. It set 
forth that, ' His Majesty sends his greeting unto all people, and says, 
that Shaka Muni, who founded the religion of idol- worship (but paras tl), 
lived upwards of 3,000 years ago, and that he had delivered sayings of 
great wisdom and subtlety which was beyond the capacity of every one 
to comprehend, and that they might set their minds at rest on that 
matter.' There are other remarks on the subject of repairing the 
idol-temples ; but the chief object intended to be conveyed is the era of 
Shaka Muni. A year different from that of the Hijrat, with which I 
was not acquainted, is written therein ; but, from appearances, I should 
imagine that the document is not much more than a century old, but 
God knows best. I had gone into Zonkah in Rabi'u-1-awwal (third 
month) of 940 H. (September, 1533 A.D.). 3 

1 This is a somewhat remarkable statement, and shows that what is assumed 
to be, and which writers call, " the image of the sitting Buddha," in the temples 
of Buddhist people, is no other than the likeness of the coming Buddha, Janksa- 
bah, and which Shaqiyii Muni enjoined his followers to keep in their temples. The 
same, I think, may be said of the paintings supposed to be of Shaqiyii Muni. 

2 This shows the* extensive use of the Persian language in Asia. 

s This would be the reign of Yng Tsong, the sixth emperor of the Ming 

97 



18 Tibbat three hundred and sixty-jive years ago. 

"In Kash gh ar, as well as in Tibbat, the Qutas-i-gahrae [or wild 
yak] is found, which is a formidable animal and a dangerous. 1 "When 
it gets at a person, whether it butts with its horns, and gores him, or 
whether it kicks out at him, or gets the person under it, it is the cause 
of that person's destruction ; or whether, not having time enough for 
tin's, it merely gives him a toss which sends him twenty gaz (ells) up 
into the air, he is hardly likely to live after falling from such a height. 
One Qutas bull is sufficient load for twelve horses ; and one person can 
in no wise lift its shoulder blade. I killed a Qutas at the time of 
makinf a certain raid, and divided the flesh among seventy persons, and 
each one had sufficient flesh to last him for a period of four days. 
These animals are not found anywhere else save in the region of 
Tibbat." 

The Author is DESPArcHED on an Expedition against the Infidels 

of Tibbat. 

After expatiating on the advantages of holy warfare against infidels 
to the orthodox Musalman, the author says : " I set out from Kash gh ar 
on this expedition in Zi Hijjah (the last month) of the year 933 H. (the 
latter half of August, 1531 A.D.). As I have previously mentioned, 
the northern boundary of Tibbat, that is in other words, Baltl, termi- 
nates at Bilaur and Badakhshan. On its winter eastern side is the 

dynasty. Da Ilaldo tells us that in the third year of his reign (1441 A.D.) ha 
issued an edict prohibiting all persons from doing honours to Confucius in the 
temples of the idols. 

In his sixth year (1444 A.D.) he marched an army against the Tartars [Mnghala 
rather] on the other side of the great wall. He was, however, entirely defeated. 
and taken prisoner, and carried away into Mughalistan. He is the Tiiig-thun of the 
Lamah qnoted below. 

According to the statement of the Lamah, " Sam-pa Khan-po," whose life is 
given by Bfibu (^arat Candra Das, in J. A. S. B. for 1S89, page 63, the third 
Ming omperor was called Tai Ming ( Yemgloj, who ascended the throne in 1402 A.D., 
but he does not give the year of his death, or that of other emperors : he merely 
gives the date of their successors' ascending the throne. The fourth Mine emperor 
Hoashi, according to the Lamah, ascended the throne in 1424 A.D. 

Thia Tai Ming is the same potentate who sent an embassy to Sultan Shah Bukh 
Mirza in 816 H. (1113-14 A.D. ), with a letter, who is called Dae Ming by the his- 
toriana of Shah Bnkh'B reign. The latter sent a return embassy with a Ion" and 
interesting letter in reply to that of the Ming emperor. 

1 The Amir, Nasiru-d-din, Sabuk-Tigin, father of Sultan Muhmiid of Ghaznih, 
was nick-named by his comrades the Qara Bujkum or Black Ghajz-gclo, which words 
are respectively Turkish and old Persian for the wild Yak of Tibbat and adjacent 
parts. Black here refers, not to colour, but ferocity, and such as Mirza Haidar 
describes above. 

08 



Tibbat three hundred and sixty-five years ago. 19 

territory of Yar-kand, and to the west of it is Kash-rnir. I was accom- 
panied by Sikandar Sultan [Sultan Sa'Id Khan's son], while the Khan 
himself proposed to proceed by the route of Khutan into the Altun-ci 
Tibbat, which is a dol-pah, or, in other words a dasht (steppe). 1 

" I set out towards the close of the month before mentioned, and on 
the Jst of Safar (the second month of the following year, 939 H.), we 
reached Nubrah, which is a territory dependent on Tibbat. A mes- 
senger was despatched into the whole of these parts to invite the people 
to embrace the Musalman faith. 2 Most of them accepted the invitation 
with submission, with the exception of these black-faced ones of Nubrah, 
who manifested a contumacious and rebellious spirit, and all betook 
themselves to their forts and strongholds. Bdrq-pa, who was the 
greatest of the chiefs among them, and whose fort was Hondar, which 
is the principal stronghold of that part, shut himself up therein. I in- 
vested him there ; and was occupied for some days in preparing the 
necessary materials for laying siege to it, such as manjanlqs (balistas), 
toras (mantelets), etcetera, and on the day fixed upon, moved towards it. 
Confusion and disorder, however, arose among the enemy, and they 
evacuated the fort and took to flight, pursued by the Musalmans as far 
as it was possible to follow them, and not one of the tribe entertained 
a hope of escape. Borq-pa, with all the males having been killed, a 
manor of the heads of these contumacious rebels was raised, and a 
monument to the infidels of these parts towered upwards to the sky. 
Their territory was taken possession of, and troops occupied their forts ; 
and from thence we entered the territory of Mar-yol. Here there are 
two Hakims or rulers, one was Lat Ju Ghadan, and the other Ma 
Shigun ; and both of them came and presented themselves, and sub- 
mitted. At this time the sun changed from Virgo and entered the sign 
Libra; and in Libra throughout all Tibbat, the severity of the cold is 
so great as not to be equalled in any other part in this season of the 
year. Consultation was now held with the Amirs along with me, as to 
what, part of Tibbat was the best for us to make our qishlclq, or winter 
quarters, 3 and where forage for the cattle and food for the men would 

1 From the context this refers to the table land of Tibbat, rather than to a 
dasht or steppe. 

8 In other words, they were called upon to " come in," — something after the 
manner recently, and now being practised on the frontier of Afghanistan towards 
the pnrely Afghan tribes — and allow themselves to be "annexed" against their 
wiil, but their religion is not interfered with. 

3 Any one who has been in the Afghan state, especially its northern part, 
ought to know the proper meaning of qishhlq or qishhlgh {' q ' and ' gk' being per- 
mutable in the Turki language), and most people who have been in those parts do 
know that it simply means a place or tract in which the nomad people tako up their 

99 



20 Tibial three hundred and sixty-five years ago. 

be procurable. No one could give indication of any such place in 
Tibbat ; and the general opinion was, that it was advisable to enter 
Kash-mir, and take up our winter quarters there. 1 If we could sub- 
jugate it, well, otherwise, having passed the winter there, we could 
leave it when the spring came round. Having reinforced the troops 
left to hold the different places in Tibbat [this part of it], we left 
Mar-yol and those tracts, and set out towards Kash-mir. News now 
reached me that the Khan himself [Sultan Sa'Id Khan, ruler of Kash- 
ghar] had arrived in these parts (Tibbat), and that on the road he had 
been attacked with dam-girl, the malady peculiar to this infidel land ; 
and that the Khan wished to see me as quickly as possible. I therefore 
left the forces along with me at the very place where the news reached 
me, and set out at once for the Khan's presence. 

" I previously mentioned that the Khan had intended to advance 
into Tibbat towards the dol-pah or dasht by way of Khutan, having 
despatched me with a part of his forces towards Baltl. At the period 
in question the sun was in Aries. The Khan, however, passed a month 
in some of the summer stations, and also in the pasture lands of the 
mountains of Kashghar, until, in the meanwhile, the season of Sunbal 
had come round [the sun had entered the constellation Virgo]. People 
in the habit of passing to and fro in these parts represented to the 
Khan, that the time had gone by, and that after this, all the waters of 
the rivers would be entirely frozen up, in such wise that no water 
would be procurable, and that a sufficient quantity of firewood was not 
to be obtained in that part enough to thaw a sufficient quantity to 
supply the wants of man and beast. 3 Further, that it was necessary 
to make the utmost endeavours to procure and lay in a sufficiency of 
the droppings of the wild qutas or yak, to be able, at least, to cook 
broth. On this account, to secure a supply, a number of the men of 
the force [with the Khan] remained behind on this route, on foot, for 
thia purpose. The Khan did not wish to retire and thus spoil this holy 
warfare, and said that difficulties and hardships were to be expected, 

winter quarters. Bat Lieut.-Col. T. H. Iloldich, It. E., who was with the Afghan 
Boundary Commission, has made a discovery to the contrary; for in his " Report " 
of tho 14th of March, 1887, to the Secretary of State for India, page 25, he assures 
us that " Iti'sWaka " aro " mud villages," from " time immemorial" perhaps. After 
this, what might ilaq, or ilagh be, which signify in tho same language, a place whore 
nomade tako up their summer quarters ? 

1 Wo have been repeatedly informed by persons who wish to be considered 
authorities in theso matters, that we need not have any fear, because there are no 
practicable routes leading into Kash-mir through Tibbat, and that that country was 
nover y.t invaded from the north. Hero is a proof of their incorrectness. 

8 Showing that such was the usual method of obtaining water at that season. 

LOO 



Tibbat three hundred and sixty-five years ago. 21 

but the merit would be all the greater; and that it was necessary to 
follow Mirza Haidar, referring to myself, and complete the work they 
had undertaken. The Khan therefore returned from Khutan, and fol- 
lowed the very same route into Baltl which I had myself taken. On 
the road his health gave way from an attnck of dam-girt. He was very 
ill, and would often lapse into insensibility. His physicians tried all 
their remedies without avail ; and although advised to give up proceed- 
ing farther by his Amirs, he would not consent. He was desirous of 
joining me, although he himself expected he should die on the way. 
He told them, saying : ' Take me onwards to the scene of operations 
while life remains; and when I am incapable of anything, then you 
may do as you consider best.' He repeatedly inquired about me, and 
prayed that he might last out until he had seen me. It was impossible 
for them to halt anywhere, notwithstanding the state the Khan was in, 
because of the excessive cold, and the absence of water and forage, besides 
which, the very act of delaying in any one place would be the cause of 
increase of the malady ; and the only chance remaining was for him to 
be taken to a place where the effects of this dam-girt were by no means 
so great. The Amirs accordingly had taken the Khan to such a place ; 
and on that day I arrived in his camp. The Khan had come to himself 
again on that day, and was much pleased at seeing me, and thanked 
God that I had come ; and he actually recovered a little, so that we 
were able to conduct him into Nubrah. There a consultation was held, 
and each one gave his opinion ; and I represented to the Khan that, 
with all my search and inquiries, I found there was no place in these 
parts of Tibbat where more than 1,000 men could find winter quarters, 
and such a small number were incapable of suppressing any outbreak 
or quelling any hostility if it arose, and that, with the exception of 
Kash-mir, no one could point out any other befitting place in which to 
remain for the winter. On the way, however, were several passes, in 
consequence of which, the weak state of the Khan's condition would 
not possibly admit of his proceeding thither ; that if the Khan con- 
sented to the arrangement, 1,000 men should be left in attendance on 
him, and he should return to Baltl, where there was neither dam-girt to 
fear, nor passes to be crossed ; while I, with the rest of the force, would 
proceed into Kash-mir and there remain for the winter, and when 
spring should come round we could act as might be deemed advisable. 
The Khan approved of this ; and as it was understood at the outset, 
that Tibbat was not a country into which a large force could be taken l 

1 When Uktac Qa'an undertook the final conquest of Khitae, in Rabl'u-l-awwal, 
627 II. (March, 1230 A.D.), he despatched a force of 20,000 men under his brother, 
Tull Khan, along with whom was the Jnzbi, Tuqulqu, to enter that territory by the 

101 



22 Tibhat three hundred and sixty-five years ago. 

[supported], the number originally fixed was only 5,000 in all : 3,000 
with the Khan, and 2,000 under my orders. Accordingly, the Khan now 
took 1,000 men along with him, and marched towards Balti ; while 
the remaining 4,000, with several Amirs of the Khan, proceeded with 
me towards Kash-mir. 

" The Khan reached Balti at the end of Libra ; and of the chiefs 
of that part, Bahrain, the Ju [or Ju-i], presented himself, and submitted 
to him, hut the rest of the Ju-ian [plural of Ju or Jii-i] of Balti, as is 
usual among such infidels, showed hostility and contumacy. With 
Bahrain, Ju, leading the way, the force with the Khan attacked Shi gar, 
which is the seat of Government and chief place in all Balti, and which 
waa taken on the first attack. The men were put to the sword, while 
the women and children, and plunder, were appropriated by the Khan's 
soldiers. After that they did not refrain from attacking other approach- 
able places in that mountain h-act, but, where there were strong forts 
and difficult darahs, those they were unable to approach, and they were 
left alone in consequence. 

" On account of the depth of the snow that winter, no news could 
be sent from Kash-mir to the Khan, and therefore the contumacious 
infidels gave out such reports as suited them and their infernal purposes, 
[Then, as now, all who defend their homes and their liberty, in these 
parts, and refuse " to come in," are all " rebels and freebooters," and 
their designs "infernal"], so that the troops in Balti had become 
anxious and depressed ; until, at the close of winter, the swift messen- 
gers whom I sent from Kash-mir to the Khan, to announce the con- 
qnest of that territory, turned their sorrow into joy. In the beginning 
of spring, the Khan, with his force, retired from Balti ; and the expedi- 
tion into Niibrah, which I had made preparations for undertaking in 
person, had been entrusted hy the Khan to the great Amir, the Kokal- 
dash, whose name lias been mentioned befoi'e in the affairs of Kashghar. 
Through defective counsel, however, and want of unanimity and fore- 
Bighl among his forces, they had devastated all that tract in such a 
manner, that the whole of the people thereof had been roused to 
resistance. All that could do so had fled to the strong places, and only 
their families and feeble people, who could not be removed, were left 
behind. Abandoning them, they did not cease from plundering on 
the routes, and from sedition, and other improper acts. As it was not 

southern ronte through Tibhat, and near the northern frontier of the empire of 
Haha Cin. * * * * lull's force was nearly perishing of famine, so that his 
in. M v.cio actually reduced to the necessity of eating human flesh and dry grass, 
and hia further progress wus stopped until aid was sent him. See Tabaqdt-i- 
928. 

L02 



Tibbat three hundred and sixty-five years ago. 23 

advisable for them [the force under the Kokal-dash] to continue in 
Nnbrah any longer, they had come to Mar-yol. Ta Shigim [the chief 
of that part] not having presented himself, one fort belonging to him 
was captured, and he and its defenders killed ; and they were occupying 
the place when I arrived from Kash-mir to present myself to the 
Khan, as I shall now proceed to relate. 

" Having set out from Nubrah, with the additional troops sent 
along with me by the Khan, as before mentioned, and rejoined my own 
force which I had left in the neighbourhood of Mar-yol, I advanced 
with all possible celerity towards Kash-mir. On the way, all the chiefs 
of Tibbat, through whose districts we passed, submitted, and added 
their fighting men to the number of mine. Some of Balti Tibbat lying 
in our way we made incursions into ; and in the middle of Scorpio, in 
Jarnadiu-s-sani, 939 H. 1 (February, 1533 A.D.), entered Kash-mir by 
the Zoji Lah or Pass [by the Diras road. I need not give here what 
he says about Kash-mir and the operations therein : they are matters 
of history which I hope to discuss hereafter]. At the end of Shawwal 
(about the end of June, 1533 A.D.) we again set out from Kash-mir 
on our return, by the same route as we had entered it, by Lar. On 
reaching the frontiers of Tibbat, most of the people of that part came 
and presented pesh-kash [tribute], and their wealth, with the exception 
of those of Karsah [the " Kartse " of the maps], which is a territory or 
district dependent on Tibbat, consisting of a darah or valley narrower 
than the heart of a miser, and the sides were steep in proportion, so 
that, at midday even, the route through it was dark. The people thereof 
were very bold and audacious, as they conceived it would be impossible 
to get at them. We reached the entrance to it after the time of midday 
prayer ; and during the night every one made his preparations, and 
waited for the next day to dawn. We attacked them, and they several 
times rolled down great stones upon the troops of Islam, who, how- 
ever, scaled the towering heights, and at last gained the victory. As 
it was all mountain, the enemy could not easily escape, and consequently 
most of them were killed, and their families and their effects became 
the booty of the victors. This success produced a wonderful effect 
on other parts, the people of which could not offer us too much ; and 
all the wealth of the Purik district, or territory, dependent on Tibbat, 
was gathered in, and this I divided among the Amirs and soldiery, after 
having selected a few of the best things for presentation to the Khan." 

1 This -would be in February, 1533 A.D., but the sun enters Scorpio in October ; 
and the year 939 H. commenced on the 2nd of August, 1532 A.D. I think, there- 
fore, the Mirza must mean Rabl'u-l-awwal or Rabl'u-s-sani, the third or fourth 
month, not the sixth month of the year as above. 

103 



24 Tibbat three hundred and sixty-five years ago. 

The Khan sets out for YIr-kand, having nominated the author 
to proceed towards ursang, and the kjun's death. 

" After my return from Kash-mir to the Khan's presence at 
Mar-yol, he held counsel with all his Amirs ; and finding that he was 
unable to undertake the chief object of this expedition himself, that is 
to say, the destraction of the great idol-temple of Ursang, 1 the place 
to which all the people of Khitae turn towards in prayer [most sacred 
place], and which he considered it was his duty as a pious Musalman 
to do, lie determined to send me on that service. I was to take whom- 
soever I chose with me, and was to have entire control over every one. 
I determined to take my brother, 'Abdu-1-lah Mlrza, and my paternal 
uncle's son, Mahmiid Mlrza, and Jankah Mlrza, who is mentioned in 
the account of Kashghar; and of the common men I selected 2,000, 
and prepared for the expedition. Six days of Zi-Hijjah [the last 
month] were occupied in this, when the time came for bidding adieu to 
the Khan, who was going from Mar-ycl to Yar-kand. I accompanied 
him one stage on the way, when the time for separation came. He kept 
his looks fixed upon me as long as he could see me, as I did towards 
him as long as he was in sight, and then I turned away with tearful 
eyes, and heart burning w T ith the fire of separation from one I was never 
again to behold. I heard from him four days after, that he, having 
passed beyond the Saqirl 'Uqbah or Pass, 2 intending to push on after 
he usual religious observances of the 'Id-i-Azha [10th of the month 
above named] ; and this was his last epistle to me. After having 
observed the ceremonies of that festival he had set out, being taken 
on with all possible celerity; and he had cleared the Muz Art 3 [Ice 
Defile Pass] when his condition changed for the worst, through the 
noxious air of that tract. From thence to the place where the malady 
of dam-girl ceases to affect one was eight days' journey [ordinary stages], 
and he wished to be taken on as quickly as possible. As the only 
hope of .saving his life was to get him beyond its influence, they seated 
him on horseback, supporting him on either side, when an upright 
|M,-ition is the worst possible one for a person suffering from this 
malady, and he ought to have been placed in a litter. They completed 
the eight stages in four days; and at the time of afternoon prayer, 
had reached a place within three farsakhs or leagues of where all 
danger from dam-giri ceases, when the good Khan breathed his last." 
[Here Mlrza Haidar pays a grateful tribute to his memory, and mourns 

1 He writes this namo Ursang as well as Crating. 

2 Sec my Nbti -, page 151 I. 

8 This word is not ' mm,' but milz, the i< being long. 

104 



Tibbat three hundred and sixty-five years ago. 25 

the loss of him who had cherished him from his boyhood, whose brother- 
in-law he was, in whose service he had passed twenty-eight years, and 
from whom, up to the very last, he had received constant proofs of 
affection and confidence. His death took place on the 16th of ZI- 
Hijjah, 939 H. (7th July, 1533, old style), aged 47. He was descended 
from Caghatae Khan, son of the Cingiz, or Great, Khan, and had 
reigned over Kashghar and Yar-kand for twenty years independently. 
Babar Badshah was his paternal uncle's son.] 

" I passed the 'Id-i-Azha at Mar-yol, and then set out on my 
expedition against Ursaug. We proceeded twenty days' journey, meet- 
ing with none of the infidels of Tibbat ; for such as there were 
had dispersed and entered into their forts, which were of consider- 
able strength, and in which they placed great confidence, and to 
capture which would have been a difficult matter, and the advantage 
to be gained thereby not equal to the trouble. So, leaving Iskandar 
Sultan, and my brother, 'Abdu-1-lah Mlrza, and my cousin, Mahmud 
Mlrza to follow, with the heavy baggage and materials, and the weak 
mules, we set out with the light-armed troops and the strongest horses, 
with all possible celerity. On the 1st of Safar (second month), 940 H. 
(21st of August, 1533 A.D.) we reached a place called Bar-yang, be- 
longing to a numerous nomad people (lit. dwellers in tents) of Tibbat, 
whom we came upon and harried, so that we captured near upon 300,000 
sheep, together with captives, horses, and other property, all of which 
became the booty of the soldiery. There we halted for some time to allow 
the cattle to graze in the pasture lands thereof, and to allow Iskandar 
Sultan, 'Abdu-1-lah Mlrza, and Mahmud Mlrza, to come up. As I had 
gone on in advance, they wei'e following at leisure ; and on the 1st of 
Muharram (first month) of the year 940 H. (22nd July, 1533 A.D.) , 
they had moved against one of those forts which I previously referred 
to, named Kardun,' and having reduced its defenders to extremity, 
they applied for aid to one of the Raes of Hindustan, and had brought 
thither 3,000 Hindus, dagger-men \_katarah-ddr~\, infantry. Iskandar 
Sultan, and my brothers, w r ith 200 of their men, moved to attack them, 
and with such haste, that only a few of that number kept up with 
them. My brother, 'Abdu-1-lah Mlrza, was an intrepid youth, and 
previous to this had performed brave deeds in the force along with the 
late Khan in Balti. Flushed therefrom, he did not wait for the troops 

1 Possibly " Kardam " of Walker's map in longitnde 81° 8', latitude 30° 27', 
and abont eighteen miles south-west of his " Rakas Kal Lake," near the frontiers of 
Hindustan and Nepal, but I think it is much farther south than the route taken by 
Mlrza Haidar There is a place called Barkhal on some maps in about longitude 
84° 50', and latitude 35° 30', but that again is too far north. 

105 



26 Tihhat three hundred and sixty-five years ago. 

to come up, but foolishly threw himself upon the enemy, with only three 
men with him. The enemy surrounded them ; and at this juncture, 
Mahmud Mirza, with four others came to his assistance, charged among 
the enemy, and rescued 'Abdu-1-lah Mirza. Not content with this, 
'Abdu-1-lah [and the others] again faced about and charged their 
opponents ; and he was again completely surrounded, when five heroes 
came up, and seeing them in this plight, they also charged the infidels ; 
but before they could reach them, they had cut my brother, 'Abdu-1-lab, 
mti pieces, in such wise that every bib of bis body, armour, and clothes 
remained in the possession of those infidels. 

" Having continued in the pasture grounds here [at Bar-yang] until 
the cattle were refreshed and recruited, I sent back from this place all 
the booty that had been taken ; and having carefully selected 900 men 
from my force, with these I set out for tTrsang. From Mar-yol of Tib- 
bat to this place is a distance of two months' journey, and when within 
one month's distance from it, we reached a point where there is a great 
kol or lake, 1 the circumference of which is forty farsangs [leagues], and 
on the banks thereof there is a fort which they call Tok [Thok] of 
Labok, or Labuk, and there we happened to pass the night. Alas, 
when we awoke the next morning, the whole of the horses were dead, 
with the exception of a very few which were half-dead and paralyzed 
or distorted ! I had twenty-seven horses of my own along with me, and 
by morning, bat one remained unaffected, two others were half-dead, 
and twenty-four were quite dead ; and this was the effect of dam-girl, as 
before explained. 

" Winn we started from that place that morning one-fifth of the 
troops only were mounted, and the rest had to march on foot. On the 
second day, a district or territory named Yam 2 was harried, and many 
captives were taken. The people thereof stated that from thence to 
Bangalah was a road of twenty-four days' journey. s At this time, of 

1 This lako seems to be the "Chargut Cho, or Lake " of the maps, the largest 
of several west and north-west of the Tingri Niiwar, and from which Lhasa is dis- 
tant about two hundred and fifty miles towards the south-east. At the rate of 
aboul twenty-five miles a day, which would be the average for horsemen in this 
part, it would be just ten stages from Lhasa, and abont three hundred and sixty 
miles northwards of Darjiling. We mast, however, allow for the physical changes 
of nearly four Cenl ories. 

2 This evidently is the name which occurs in that of the Cho or lake to the 
Bonth-west of the " Chargat Cho." 

S [t was by this route probably that Malik Ikhtiyaru-d-dln, Mohammad, the 

: Turk, son of Bakht-yaru-d-din, and conqueror of Bang-al (Bengal) invaded 

Tibbal from his capital, Lakhanawafo at the close of the year 610 H. (1205 A.D.), 

as related in the Ihbaqat-i-Ndfiri, pages 500-5G8. After he had passed "the 

L06 









Tibbat three hundred and sixty-five years ago. 27 

the force along with me, the number of mounted men whose horses were 
strong enough to go on, amounted to ninety only ; and witli these I pro- 
ceeded four days' journey onwards to Asbaraq, from which to Ursang 1 

great river, Beg-mati [the Brahma-putr ?]. which in volume, breadth and depth, 
was three times greater than the Gang, he pushed on for fifteen days, and, on the 
sixteenth, reached the open country of Tibbat." 

The Cingiz Khan while wintering at and around Gibarl in the district to tho 
north of Peshawar, before hearing that all Tingqut and Tamghaj was in a state of 
revolt, was desirous of entering India, and returning into Cin by way of Lakhan- 
awati and Kamrud ; but, on hearing of these formidable insurrections, he resolved 
to return by the way he came, by Buqliin, Bukhara, and Samar-qand, where he 
passed the winter of 620-621 H. (1223-24 A.D.), and subsequently set out for the 
disturbed territories " by way of L5b and the country of Tibbat," that is, along tho 
skirt of the Altan Tiigh referred to in p. 89 note 3. 

1 It will be noticed that the Mirza. never mentions the name of any place 
called Lhasa, and yet, without doubt, he refers to the great temple or series of 
temples at the place known to us by that name. But from the context here, and 
what the old Jesuit travellers have stated, Lhasa was the name of the territory, and 
not of the temple, or place of residence of the Grand Lamah. In the map to 
Prejevalsky's travels, in the "Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society," for 
May, 1887, " Utsang" appears as the name of the territory or province in which 
what we call Lhasa is situated. This may be a vitiated form of Ursang, the name 
of the great temple according to the Mirza. 

According to the Jesuit Grueber, however, Lhasa was the name of the territory 
or province, and not the name of the capital and the residence of the Grand Lamah, 
where the great temple is, which he says is called " Butala," and which " adjoined 
the city of Tonkir." From this it would seem that the names have been changed in 
comparatively modern times since the Mirza wrote ; but " Butala " cannot be 
Ursang, as the former temple was only built in 1614 A.D. 

It is not impossible that the name Lhasa may have been applied to the capital 
and great temple in the same manner that Sri-Nagar is called " the city of Kash- 
mir : " not meaning that the city ever was or is called Kash-mir, but, that it was 
and is " the chief city of or belonging to the territory of Kash-mir ." In the same 
way, probably, Tonkir was styled " The chief place or city of or belonging to Lhasa," 
and from constant use that name has been applied exclusively to the city where the 
great temple is, and where the Grand Lamah resides. 

Grueber calls the whole country Tangut [Tingqut of the Mughals and Turks], 
and says it is divided into several parts, of which Lhasa, or Barantolo is the chief. 

In the account of Anandah, son of Mangqlin, son of Qubiliie Qa'an, in Tingqut, 
the Tarikh-i-Alfi states, that Timur Qa'iin, another grandson of Qubilae, who suc- 
ceeded him, confirmed Anandah, his cousin, in the government of that territory ; 
and it is stated in that work, that " Tingqut is an extensive territory on tho west 
side of Khitae, and Tingqut, in the language of Khitae, is called HawashT, that is, 
the rild khiinah, or river, on the west, because most of the cities of Tingqut are 
situated on the banks of that river [the Hoang-Ho ?]. The great cities of that 
territory, which used to be the capitals and seat of government of that part from 
time to time, are five [the names of which are given, but only two can be written 
with any certainty, the others having no vowel points ; namely, Qanjanqu, which 

107 



28 Tlhbat three hundred and sixty-five years ago. 

only eight days' journey remained. As, however, the horses of the men 
still remaining with me were falling, it became absolutely necessary to 
return. There was no help for it : and after setting out on our return, 
in six days we rejoined those we had left at Yam, 1 and from thence 
continued our retreat. This took place on the 8th of Rabl'u-l-akhir 
(fourth month : November) ; and at the end of Jamadlu-1-akhir, we 
reached Tam-Llk, distant from Mar-yol twenty days' journey, and again 
joined the men with the booty and plunder which had been previously 
sent back. At Tam-Llk, which is one of the great territories of Tibbat, 
the people of Kdkah, having come, said that they agreed to pay the 
jaziah [a capitation tax on infidels, or non-Musalmans], and invited me 
to come thither and fix the same, such as their means would admit of. 
In consequence of this request, I proceeded towards Kokah, and be- 
tween it and Tam-Llk passed one night, on the road [took him two days 
to go], and reached it. The people received me in the most hospitable 
manner ; and I remained there three days, and fixed the jaziah on that 

might possibly be meant for Kong-tsang-ffi of the Chinese, and tJ-balik. The others 
are written in the original, (J^wst 5 , LSJjj^ or LSJ^jU anc * li^"^"]- There are 
twenty-four lesser cities, besides towns and villages without number, and most of 
the inhabitants are Musalmans. 

The authors of the TiirTkh-i-Alfi, in another place, quoting from some older 
works, state, that " Tingqut is described as a mountainous country (also) called 
Ankasfie. The Mughals called the country, which contained cities, fortresses, and 
many buildings, AqashTn or Qashin," the chief city, apparently, giving name to the 
country also. See also note 1 , page 88. 

Tingqut seems to bo the Hya or Ning-hya of the Chinese, the capital of which 
is called Iriqi or Irqi in the Tingqut language, and Iriqia, or Irqia, by the Mughals. 
Thero is still a " Ning-hya-wei " close to the Great Wall. 

Sum-pa Khan-po, the Lamah, quoted elsewhere, states, that in 1205 A.D. 
" Chingis [the Cingiz, or Great, Khan] entered Tibbat, and subjugated all its 
provinces with the exception of Mi-Nag." This invasion of Tingqut, as the Mu gh als 
stylo it, took place in 603 H. (1206-7 A.D). The Lamah afterwards states that 
" Chiflgia subjugated Mi-nag of Tibbat in 1225 A.D., after which he died." This 
agrees with the Mughal accounts, which state, that, in 622 H. (1224-25 A.D. ), the 
Cingiz Khan entered Tingqut or Qashin, Shidarqu. the Tingri Khan, the ruler, having 
assembled a vast army, intending to throw off the Mughal yoke. The cities of 
Qam-jiw, Ka-ju, Sn-jii, Arumi or Uruml, were taken, and the city of Ningal, 
evidently the Xiug-hya of the Chinese, was invested. See Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, page 
1085. 

It must not bo forgotten that Tibbat and parts adjacent have been subject to 
some great earthquakes, which probably changed the face of the country in many 
parts, and the courses of rivers. There was a great earthquake in 1352 A.D. , and 
another, a fearful one, in 1681 A.D. 

i This name is written Nina here — .^jj. Before it was Yam— *j— and I be- 
lieve the additional point, making it Nim, is an error of the copyist 
L08 



Tibbat three hundred and sixty-five years ago. 29 

place \_sic] at 3,000 Tibbati misqals [of gold], which are one misqal and 
a half of our weight, and returned again [to Tam-Lik]. 

" Having completed this arrangement, I set out on my return ; 
and on the road disastrous news reached me of the breaking up and 
dispersion of the force originally sent with me, as will be presently 
explained. [Here reference is made to the acts of 'Abdu-r-rashid 
Sultan, the son and successor of the late Sultan, Sa ; id Khan, over 
Kashgharj. Rashid Sultan, when he set to work to murder his 
kindred, and afflict and plunder them, despatched an agent into 
Tibbat, and entrusted him with several mandates bearing his seal. 
One was for his brother, Iskandar Sultan, who was along with me, 
saying: "I give up to thee the territory of Tibbat; and let Mirza 
Haidar and Mahmud Mirza remain there." To the rest of those com- 
posing the force, to every troop and standard, one of these missives was 
sent, to this effect : " Every man who after this continues to remain in 
Tibbat, and does not immediately on the receipt of this order, forthwith 
disband and set out towards Yar-kand, his wife, family, and effects will 
be sold in Qirghiz l in exchange for horses." As this order had been 
received when I was away at Kokah, as already mentioned, and had 
become known throughout the force, and its meaning fully understood, 
the men composing it, considering my absence very fortunate, deserted, 
and set out with all haste towards Yar-kand. Only Iskandar Sultan 
and my cousin, Mahmud Mirza, with a few followers, remained. Two 
days after this catastrophe I arrived at the stage or halting place [Tam- 
Lik] from whence the troops had dispersed and gone off. Iskandar 
Sultan and my cousin, Mahmud, related what had happened, and 
advised that we should not move that day, but remain there over night, 
as some of those who had gone off had done so because they were help- 



1 In another part of his work the author mentions who the Qirghiz are, and 
which information people in the present day, for the most part, are ignorant of. He 
says : " The Qirghiz are a tribe of Mughals, a division of the Uir-ats, of which 
latter race near upon 30,000 remained [in his day] within the limits of Turfan and 
Kashghar. These Qirghiz having manifested much hostility towards the princes of 
the other Mughals, they separated from them ; and the latter peojjle, having become 
Mnsalmiins, while the Qir gh iz continued infidels, the other Mughals, in consequence, 
expelled them altogether." I have mentioned these facts, because we may be told 
hereafter that the Qirghiz are a totally different race. 

Mirza Muhammad Haidar calls the tract which these Qirghiz inhabited in his 
day, Qirghiz likewise, that is, the country of the Qirghiz. 

Ibn Hauqal mentions the country of Khirkhiz or Ghirghiz, and says : " The 
country of Tibbat is situated between Khirkhiz and the empire of Cin. Cin lies 
between the sea and the land of the Ghuzz (Turks) and Tibbat ; but the other parts 
[some ?] of Tibbat were annexed to it." See page 85. 

109 



30 Tibbat three hundred and sixty-jive years ago. 

less, and knew not what else to do, and that it was probable some of 
the staunch ones would rejoin us. I had along with me in this expedi- 
tion some hundred veterans, champions, and leaders, who had served 
with me for years, and their fathers and grandfathers had also served, 
who had been with me in many conflicts, and whom I looked upon and 
trusted as equals and brothers, rather than as subordinates. They had 
been selected by me on many occasions for honourable posts, and on the 
part of whom hostility I considered wholly impossible ; yet, even these 
deserted me in the night and fled. In the morning I found all had 
deserted me, but Jan Ahmad, Atkah, 1 whom I regarded as my foster 
father, and one of my Qokal-tashis, 2 named Shah Muhammad, whom I 
implicitly trusted, but he came back again, bringing five menial servants 
with him. I was thus relieved of the fear of being left entirely alone ; 
and altogether, that day, about fifty men assembled around me. From 
this halting place we now set out towards Mar-yol. It was the begin- 
ning of the winter season, and the sun had entered Capricorn, and the 
cold was so intense as cannot be described. Out of this number with 
me, some forty either lost a hand, foot, ear, eye, or nose, from the frost; 
and with the endurance of these afflictions and tortures we succeeded 
in twenty-five clays in reaching Mar-yol again. 

The Ju-ian of Mar-yol, Ta Shlgun, [and] Raltah Jighdan, who 
have been mentioned previously, 3 hastened to present themselves and 
bender their services, notwithstanding, that previously, they had been 
treated with severity, plundered, and their people killed. I was rather 
suspicious at this, but, contrary to my expectations, they proceeded to 
perform various sorts of good service for us ; and, to assure us, stated, 
that it was four hundred years that from father to son they had been 
subjects of our Badshahs, " we their subjects and servants, and they 
our protectors and nourishers ; " that, " if at the time when [those 

hahs came] in pomp and grandeur, with a great number of followers, 
and ihty themselves through fear and apprehension had committed any 
transgression or misconduct, it had been visited with corresponding 
punishment, according to usage in such cases. If every one among the 
Ju-ian of Tibbat had at that time submitted and presented themselves, 
they had done so out of fear and terror, but that now they offered 
their icea in all sincerity and truth, and from their hearts, not 

from the tip of the tongue." The fort of Sh'iah or Shiyah, which is the 

I Atkah really means a tutor or instructor, — a superior servant entrusted with 
the education of his master's son. 

* This word Qokal-tifh or Qokal-dash, for it is written both ways, appears 
equivalent to a subaltern, henchman, or armour-bearer. 

8 Only one of these, Ta Shiguu. See page 99. 
110 



Tibbat three hundred and sixty-five years ago. 31 

chief place and seat of Government of the Mar-yol territory, they 
gave up to us as an offering ; and we entered it, and took up our 
quarters therein. In short, we there enjoyed comparative luxury and 
comfort after all our hardships and difficulties. "While there also, 
several of the men of the army, who had remained behind in that part, 
rejoined us ; and among them was the Maulana, Darwesh Muhammad, 
of Qara-Tagh, one of the followers of the Makhclurn, the Khwajah, 
Muhammad Yusuf. The Maulana was a good man, and was exceed- 
ingly well acquainted with the Tibbati language ; and he was on terms 
of friendship and intimacy with all the Ju-Ian of Tibbat. One, a 
Haji, from Kash-mlr, also joined me; and he will be often mentioned 
in this work. In this manuer over sixty persons were now collected 
about me, but all the soldiery had deserted and gone off [with the few 
exceptions referred to]. The latter, from the severity of the climate, 
and the difficulty and affliction that befel them on the way towards 
Yar-kand, found it was almost impossible to proceed. Those who 
persevered in so doing lost all their property, and 150 men among the 
number died from the excessive cold, and the remainder, half dead, 
succeeded in reaching Yar-kand. Another body turned back, and 
reached Mar-yol in a sorry plight. Again a body of about 500 men 
were got together, and we succeeded in collecting about 10,000 sheep, 
so that we were able to live in comfort again. 

'• When I returned from the TTrsang expedition, and before reaching 
Mar-yol, I had, it will be remembered, despatched Jan Ahmad, the 
Atkah, and Shah Muhammad, the Qokal-tash, with presents and 
rarities, taken during the expedition, to Rashid Sultan, to Yar-kand, 
and to remind him of certain previous agreements between us. * * * * 
When that winter had come to a close, Rashid Sultan despatched 
Bedkan, son of Jan Ahmad, the Atkah, who is my Qokal-tash, and 
associated along with him, Hasan, Diwanah, to make his apologies and 
express regret at what had happened out of inadvertency, and of which 
he was much ashamed ; and therefore it" was necessary to express his 
regret to that friend, meaning myself, at what had happened. Further, 
that the Maulana, Qodash, with 200 men, had been despatched to join 
me, and that my own servants who had reached his presence [with the 
presents], should return again without let or hindrance. He also sent 
me some horses and a few rarities. The receipt of this communication 
was satisfactory ; and now great part of Tibbat acknowledged submis- 
sion to us. 

"Maulana Qodash arrived in due course, and along with him 
several trustworthy dependents of mine ; and after the arrival of this 
party we moved towards the boundary of Tibbat which adjoins Kash- 

111 



32 Tibbat three hundred and sixty-five years ago. 

mir, and all Balti paid its assessed revenue in a satisfactory manner. 
Soru, wliich is one of the places belonging to Balti, is the strongest and 
most defensible in that country. 1 Maulana Qodash asked permission 
to go there and collect the revenue assessed upon it. I was not willing, 
as 1 know those infidels do not like that any one should see their 
dardhs and strong places; and they had intimated that they would 
themselves come, and bring the revenue to me along with them, at the 
place where I then was, and therefore there was no necessity for sending 
any one to collect it. Fate, however, had decreed otherwise, and the 
Maulanawent; and the Soru people waylaid him in a narrow defile, 
and without giving him any chance of resistance, slew him and twenty- 
four other trustworthy persons besides. Although my force numbered 
near upon 700 men, yet, from want of discipline and training, and 
deficiency of weapons, to avenge them was impossible ; and much 
chagrined at not being able to do so, we moved from Balti to Tibbat-i- 
Zang-As-skar 2 [Zang-Skar], which is the name of one of the territories 
of Tibbat. It had not as yet been entered on account of its altitude, 3 
and the difficulty of approaching it; and the time for collecting the 
assessed revenue was not yet arrived, when we appeared on the scene, 
to wait for the time, and in combination collect it. At this time a 
messenger came from one of the Ju-I* of Balti, Tungi Sukab, by name, 
who had done good service for me on a former occasion, saying, that 
now the opportunity had come for making a raid upon the murderers 
of Maul ana Qodash, and slaying the males in retribution for their mur- 
dering him and his party, and making their families captive. 

" I had sent back some of the men composing my small force, 
whose strength had failed them, to Mar-yol, so that I might be able 
to move quickly with the strong and robust. As an escort to these 
weak men, 1 had sent my cousin, Mahmud Mirza, and a small party, to 
con. 1 net. them one stage on the way back, as the ronte was dangerous, 
and, having conducted them through the dangerous part, to halt at that 
stage for the night. 1 told him to keep the horses of his party near 
him dining the night on account of the danger of the locality ; and a 
. while grazing near the place of his repose, came rather too close 
to his head. He 3 track the horse to make the animal move a little far- 
ther off, when it launched out at him, and gave him such a kick in the 

1 The altitude of Soru, in the darah of that name, is just 10,624 feet above the 

rel, and has lofty mountains on all sides of it. 

> written Zana-k&r, and Zas-kar by more recent authors. See my Notes 

!13. 
3 Zang-As- nda much higher than Soru. 

* Jo or Jii-i, plural Ju-Ian, is the Tibbati for a petty chief. Note to pace 103. 

L12 



Tibial three hundred and sixty-five years ago. 33 

forehead that it was beaten in to the extent of the size of the horse's 
hoof. The next day he came to me, and I examined the wound ; and, 
according to the custom of the Mughal surgeons, I extracted the pieces 
of bone from the wound, and set to to cure him if I could. I sent 
word of this untoward accident to Tungi Sukab, who sent a message in 
reply saying, that as it appeared there was now a difficulty in my 
coming, if I would despatch a few men, he having captured Soru, would 
send me a fifth of whatever booty might be taken. This message 
reached me at Khurba, 1 in the centre of Zang-As-skar, where I was then 
halted; and Sot, where Tungi Sukab dwelt, was five days' journey off. 
I accordingly despatched the Maulaua, Darwesh Muhammad, of Qara 
Tagh, who was on very friendly terms with the Ju-ians of Tibbafc, along 
with Nii r 'Ali, Diwanah, who was one of the most trustworthy of my 
adherents, and who, when the troops deserted and went off towards 
Yar-kand, on the occasion previously referred to had returned to me 
again. These two I made leaders, and sent 70 men along with them ; 
and they proceeded, and reached the place agreed upon where they 
were to meet Tungi Sukab. 

" Two months almost had now passed since my cousin Mahmud 
met with his mishap, and the wound had spread over his whole face. 
It was highly dangei'ous, on account of the severe cold, for him to 
remain in Zang-As-skar. Helpless, and not knowing" what else to do, 
Iseuthim back to Mar-yol, remaining in Zang-As-skar myself, intending, 
that, after Mahmud should have reached Mar-yol safely, I would myself 
set out towards Soru and see whether the means of livelihood were 
attainable there or not. When Mahmud reached the place where 
the horse had kicked him, on his way to Mar-yol, he remained there 
for the night ; and in the morning, about the time of mounting to 
proceed onwards, he had unbound his head in order to apply a dressing 
to the wound, when the cold air affected his brain, and he became 
insensible. At the time of afternoon prayer a man came back to 
me in all haste ; and I went off, and arrived at midnight, and 
Mahmud was still unconscious. * * * * He died the third day 
after that. * * * * 

" At this time of sorrow and affliction, a man arrived, sent from 
the party despatched towards Soru, saying that Niir 'AH, Dlwanah, 
having combined with those sent with him, had seized the Maulaua, 
Darwesh Muhammad, of Qara Tagh, and had gone off to JBaghan, one of 
the Ju-ians of one of the territories of Tibbat, whom the Maulaua, it 
was said, had, on some previous occasion, deceived or imposed upon, 
and had badly wounded the said Baghan, and placed his life in danger. 

1 Possibly " Kursha" of the maps. 

113 



34 Tibial three hundred and sixty-five years ago. 

These tyrants had made crfoer the Maulana as a present to this infidel, 
and thereby having obtained permission of him to depart, they all went 
off to Yar-kand. That TibbatI infidel killed the Maulana by fastening up 
bis mouth with a wooden skewer ! The Soru affair, in consequence of 
this incident, hud to be abandoned. 

" I brought Mahmud's corpse to Mar-yol, and from thence sent it 
onto Kashghar to be deposited in the sepulchre of our forefathers. 
Thifl affair happened in the beginning of winter, in Scorpio, when the 
cold of Tibbat is so intense, that we proceeded to Mar-y5l ; and during 
that winter, and up to the beginning of spring, we endured such hard- 
ships and misery as cannot be expressed. When spring came round, 
for the sake of the horses, I set out with 7U persons, for Utliiq, a place 
to which people go, and which is noted throughout Tibbat for the 
nourishing powers of its grass. There I employed rny time in hunting 
the wild ass, and the wild yak, and in due course returned to Mar-yol 
again. When I set out for Utluq, I had left Iskaudar Sultan at Mar- 
yol in charge of the rest of the men; and now that all had assembled 
in one place, and the horses had become fat and strong, the men, unable 
any longer to endure the miseries and privations of this service, 
all of a sudden separated and deserted, and went off to Yar-kand. Only 
50 men out of the whole of them remained with us : all the rest had 
fled. At this juncture, Jan Ahmad, the Atkah, whom two years before, 
on the way back from the Ursang expedition, I had sent to Rashld 
Sultan with presents, as before mentioned, arrived from Yar-kand, and 
brought me information, which plainly showed that it would not be 
well or safe for me to remain in Tibbat any longer. This was the 
reason why I remained in it so long ; for if I had left it and gone off 
any where else, Rashid Sultan would have been sure to have laid the 
fault on me ; but now he had broken the most solemn promises and 
compacts, confirmed by the most binding oaths, and they were buried 
in oblivion; but the breaking of his oaths lay on his own shoulders. 
[mmediately after the arrival of Jan Ahmad, therefore, I prepared to 
set out towards Bada]disha.n.'' 

The Author proceeds ixto Badaktjshax. 

" 1 have before mentioned that out of 700 persons along with me 
in Tib!. a* only 50 now remained, the rest having fled in the best manner 
they were able towards Yar-kand. I have likewise mentioned the 

with on the routes in Tibbat, through 
want of forage for horses, tin lack of firewood, the excessive coldness 
of the air, and the difficulty of communication. All these difficu! 

to that degree that, even the mildest nature would refuse to put 

111 



Tihbut three hundred and sixty -five years ago. 35 

up with such ; and besides all these, there is the impossibility of obtain- 
ing a sufficient quantity of food and clothing, and other necessaries, 
and particularly horse-shoes, which on such routes cannot be dispensed 
with. Consequently, what with the failing strength of the horses, and 
want of food for them, and other matters, it was found impossible to 
continue any longer in Tibbat. We could neither go to Kash-mir, nor 
Kashghar, nor Turf an, nor Hindustan : all were impossible of attain- 
ment as being unsafe. The only part in which there was a hope of 
security, and a chance of being well received, was Badakhshan. No 
one [among us] had seen any practicable route leading from Tibbat into 
Badakhshan which did not enter Kash gh ar [territory ?] ; but among 
those men who had deserted with the intention of going off to Yar- 
kand, and had come back to us again, one, named Jahan Shah, had, on 
a previous occasion, related, that he had heard from the people dwelling 
in the Kohistan of Yar-kand, who were talking together on the subject, 
that from a place called Ta gh a-nak there was a route in this way and 
that way, which came out into the Pa-mir of Badakhshan. 1 I had at 
this juncture made inquiry of Jahan Shah about this route, and we 
now set out to follow this road which as yet we had not seen. Of the 
fifty men remaining with me, as I have before mentioned, several of 
them, on account of want of strength to accompany us, remained in 
Tibbat, and with twenty-seven in all I set out. "What with the lack 
of the necessary equipment for such a journey, and want of strength in 
the cattle, the difficulties of the route, and the intense cold, although 
the sun was in the constellation of Virgo [month of August], the dan- 
ger was considerable; for when we reached a place called Qara Quram 
[' Place of the Fallen Black Rocks '] 2 at the time of the setting of 
the sun, the river there, which is of considerable size, became com- 
pletely frozen over, and everywhere, where the ice was broken to obtain 

1 I hope it will be noted here that, even three hundred and sixty-five years 
ago, the Pa-mir, or a large portion of it, belonged to, and formed part of, the 
territory dependent on Badakhshan. Russians will probably have the assurance to 
state that the Pa-mir, or any portion of it, never belonged to Badakhshan. Another 
portion of it was subject to the rulers of Kashghar. 

2 This does not seem to be the Pass of that name incorrectly written and 
" popularly '' called, the <; Karakoram" Pass, but a place much more to the west, 
and so called for the same reason as the other — "The Place of Fallen Black 
Rocks." To go from Mar-yol to the " Qara-Qurara " Pass would have taken the 
Mirza and his party some 200 miles farther eastwai'ds than there was any necessity 
for, and the retracing of his steps westwards would have added a similar distance. 
Besides, it is mentioned, that on the third day after Iskandar Sultan separated from 
them at the point [Tagha-naq], where this unexplored route into Badakhshan 
branched off from the Yar-kand road, they in three days reached the Ras-kam 

ih. See my Notes, pngr> 307. 

115 



36 Tibial three hundred and sixty-five years ago. 

water, not a drop was to be procured. We used our utmost endeavours 
to obtain some up to the time of the prayer before going to sleep, but 
without success. The cattle, which during the whole day had passed 
through a tract subject to the dam-girl malady, were thus without 
water on reaching their halting place, and forage for them was as scarce 
as silver to collect; and the little barley that was given them, they did 
not eat through want of water. At this juncture, Jan Ahmad, the 
Atkah, said that he remembered having once seen a spring hereabouts, 
and that it was necessary for us to go on about half a farsakh (league) 
farther to reach it. We did so, and he pointed out a place among the 
ice where it should be broken. This was done, and water was found, 
and the cattle were watered ; but there was a mule with us, one of the 
strongest among all the animals, which got lock-jaw for want of water, 
and notwithstanding all its efforts to do so, it could not drink, and 
died. Consequently, the necessary things with which it used to be 
laden had to be abandoned. 

" Having reached the point where this unexplored route leading 
into Badakhshan branched off [from that leading to Yar-kand], Iskandar 
Sultan requested me to give him permission to leave us, saying he 
' would go to Rashld Sultan, and that perhaps out of brotherly feeling 1 
and kindness, he might take pity on him, as he might now be probably 
satiated with the destruction he had already -wrought upon his kindred.' 
I tried all I could to dissuade him, and assured him that no favour 
was to be hoped for from such an one. The difficulties and hardships 
of the way, and the distressed condition we were in, combined with 
want of resolution, and the uncertainty, tended to render him desperate, 
and the road of reason was veiled from his mind's eye. I nevertheless 
complied with his request and wishes, and despatched four men along 
with him. Five persons having thus separated from us out of twenty- 
seven, I proceeded on my way with the remaining twenty-two ; but on 
account of their being without shoes, several of our horses broke down. 
The very same day that Iskandar left me, at the time of afternoon 
prayer, T had the good luck to kill a wild yak ; and we drew pieces of 
its hide over the hoofs of the broken down horses [in place of shoes], 
and carried away as much as we possibly could of its flesh. Of food, 
some barley, merely sufficient for the horses for one or two days, 
none remained, therefore this yak was quite a God-send for us. We 
loaded the horses with as much of its flesh as they could possibly bear 
— about enough for us all for four or five days — and even then three- 
fourth.-, of the flesh remained, which we left as a feast for the crows and 

i They were not brothers by the same mother. Kaghld Saltan's mother waa 
I Khan's other wives. 

L16 



Tibhat three hundred and sixty-five years ago. 37 

ravens of those parts, which doubtless, they banqueted upon to their 
hearts' content. In this way we continued to proceed by conjecture, 
and next day we killed another wild yak, very much larger and finer 
than the previous one ; and the following day it so happened that the 
Provider of Daily Bread furnished us with food in plenty. 

" From the account given of this route by Jahan Shah, I conjec- 
tured, that in six days more we might reach inhabited tracts ; but on 
the third day after separating from Iskandar Sultan, at about break- 
fast time [between sun rise and noon — the early forenoon], we reached 
a place where several men were, some of whom, household by household, 
came forward to meet us Avith great cheerfulness and good will. We 
inquired of them about the route and our destination. They told us 
that the darah or valley we were then in was called Ras-kam, 1 and that 
from where we then were to the Pa-mir was five days' journey. 
Having now reached the habitations of men, and such men as we here 
met with, we recovered from the hardships and troubles of years in 
the rest and ease we here obtained. The people took from us every 
horse whose strength had been exhausted, and exchanged with us, and 
replaced them with others very good and strong. Of food and drink 
they placed before us the best of every thing they possessed, and 
pressed us to partake. The men on beholding me would weep involun- 
tarily, and in passing me would say, in their own idiom : " Thanks be 
to God, that of our sovereign's descendants of four hundred years, thou 
at least art left. We are thy sacrifice, and w r e dedicate ourselves to 
thee with our families, and people, and all we possess." At every 
place we reached, the whole of the people, with their families, used to 
accompany us, notwithstanding I forbade them to do so, and w^ould 
willingly have excused them, but it was of no use, and for the space of 
seven days, they conducted us, with the utmost honour and kindness, 
and endearing expressions, to the Pa-mir, 2 and they even w T anted to 

1 The route taken by the Mirza, led nearly due west into the Darah of Riis- 
kiim, through which a considerable river flows, which, in about the parallel of 76° 
east longitude, turns towards the north, and unites with the river of Yar-kand. On 
the south side of this darah a range of high mountains separates the Ras-kam from 
the Kanjut Darah, which routes are described in that part of my Notes on 
Afghanistan, etc., which has not yet seen the light ; but some information respecting 
these parts will be found at page 315 of that work. 

This route taken by Mirza Haidar three hundred and sixty odd years ago, is 
that which, in the account of " the Pevtsof Expedition," given in the " Geographi- 
cal Journal" for July 1893, page 62, is said to be absolutely unknown! I gave 
an account of it, from Mirza Haidar's description, thirteen years before, in 1SS0, 
in my Notes which see. 

8 See Note 3, page 87. 

117 



3g Tilbat three hundred and sLdy-fivp years ago. 

accompany us, with all their families and belongings, into Badakhshan. 
At last, I managed to dismiss these kind-hearted people, and proceeded 
onwards into Badakhshan, to Sullman Shah Mirza, who is the son of 
Mirza Khan, who was my maternal aunt's son. He came forth to 
receive me, and did everything in his power to show me honour and 
■i : and I gave thanks nnto God, that, after all these dangers, 
1 bad reached such a place of safety and security. 

"At the time that I reached Akhawan, which is the sar-hadd, 1 or 
boundary of Badakhshan 2 [on that side], a man in the service of Rashld 
Sultan who was there on some affair, presented himself before me; and 
I gave him a letter in Turki to deliver to Rashld Sultan, on the subject 
of his recreant conduct and unfaithfulness. * * * * He, soon 
after, had the kindness to expel from his territory my wife, who was 
tin- mother's sister of Rashld Sultan himself, and sent Iskandar Sultan 
before mentioned, along with her. Another great favour on Rashid's 
pari was, that he did not plunder her of all she was possessed of, as he 
had treated others of his kindred. They, in much anxiety of mind, 
and in very distressed circumstances, along with some others, about ten 
in all, arrived in Badakhshan." 3 * * * * 

That winter was passed by Muhammad Haidar Mirza in Badakh- 
shan in comparative comfort, and, in the spring, in the hills and plains 
thereof; and in the summer he came to Kabul. There many others of 
the family of the late Sultan Sa'id Khan, expelled from the Kash gh ar 
territory by Rashld Sultan, also arrived. Subsequently Muhammad 
Haidar Mirza set out for Hindustan; and when he reached Labor, 
K.iniiaii Mirza [son of Babar Badshah] was then there, who received 
him with honour and great kindness. He says, that about this time, 
Bam Mirza, son of Shah Isma'il, Safawl, and brother of Shah Thama- 
sib, the then ruler of Iran Zamln, tried to take Q an dab ar from Karnran 
Mirza. This event happened in 941 H. (1538 A.D.), but, after invest- 

1 'I'h is word incorrectly written, " Sarhad," has been mistaken for the proper 

of B place, and still appears in our maps as sucli, and also as "Sarhad 7/ <//>-- 

The Walthaii district terminates here, as the words Bar-hadd-i-Wakhan 

and this place is not more than eighteen or twenty miles from the TalpI 

I 'ass. 

8 Because Wakhan has always been part of the Bada khsh an territory. 

linhammad Haidar forgave 'Abdu-r-rashid Saltan — for 'Abdn-r- 
rflfhid is his correct or full name — for his ill-treatment of himself and friends, as 
he bad been led to commit most of his misdeeds by one of his Amirs, Mnhammadi 
l.\ name, of the Borlas tribe of Mughals, whom he subsequently rid himself of, and 
repented of liis misdeeds. When Mirza Mohammad Haidar wrote his work in 
D68 II. (1546 A.U.i, he named it after 'Abdn-r-rashid Sultan and styled it " TarTkh- 
i-Raab 

II- 



Tibhat three hundred and sixty-five years ago. 39 

ing it for eiofht months, Karnrau Mirza arrived with an army from 
Labor, defeated Sam Mirza, and relieved the place. 

I propose shortly to give the other valuable geographical details 
contained in Mirza Muhammad Haidar's work, respecting Turkistan 
and Mughalistan, and other matters. In case any one hereafter should 
avail himself of auy of the information contained in this paper, it is to 
be hoped that it will he acknosvledged. 

The following brief account of the western part of Tibbat is from 
the observations of the Mir, 'Abdu-1-karim, son of Mir Isma'il, of 
Bukhara, who was there in 122-1 H. (1809 A.D.). He had gone the 
preceding year, in company with the Mirza, Muhammad Yiisuf, from 
Bukhara, on a mission to Constantinople by way of Moscow. From his 
account we can gain some idea of the state of western Tibbat about the 
same time that the Hon'ble Mount-Stuart Elphinstone was at Peshawar 
on his mission to Shah Shuja'u-1-mulk, the Saddzl ruler of the Afghan 
State. 'Abdu-1-karim states, that: — 

" There are seven Tibbats, three of which are subject to Kash-mir, 
and the other four are independent, and have a Raja, that is to say, 
a Ruler, of their own. The most of the people of the Tibbats are 
followers of the faith of the Qalmaq [Qal-I-maq], Mani, and some are 
Majus [Magians]. Corn and provisions are scarce, and many of the 
people are very poor. Barley meal and flour of millet are obtainable. 
They give a daughter to ten husbands ; and, if any one should take one 
of the people away and make a Musalman of him, there is no hindrance. 
One Tibbat — Tihbat-i-Kalan [or Great Tibbat] — is pai*allel with Kash- 
mir for fifteen stages. When a pai*ty of merchants make a purchase 
of shals, they make up three or five parcels or packages into a bale or 
bundle, and as many bundles as there may be, they make over to the 
charge of Kash-niirl porters hired for the purpose, who convey them on 
their shoulders, and reach Tibbat in fifteen days. As the route is 
difficult and mountainous, horses and mules cannot pass that way, and 
porters are hired upon all occasions. If a merchant so desires, he hires 
two men, who have small pads fastened to their shoulders ; and he 
mounts the shoulders of one of them. The man takes hold of one foot 
of the merchant on one side, in front, and the other foot is towards the 
porter's back; and in this manner he goes along with ease and comfort. 
The other porter takes his turn to relieve the first, and in this manner 
they proceed on their way. * * * * Horses can go into Great 
Tibbat, and merchants avail themselves of them, and ride horses in 
going by that route. 

"When a Kdnvan (mil. " caravan ") proceeds from Tibbat towards 
Yar-kand, which is a territory belonging to Khitae, they have to pro- 

119 



40 Tibbat three hundred and sixty-five years ago. 

ceed a distance of forty stages, through a part where there are neither 
inhabitants nor cultivation, and where neither firewood nor forage is pro- 
curable : only water can be obtained. It is a kohistan (mountainous tract) 
black and arid, but one thing may be said in its favour, and that is, 
iliat highway robbers are not found in that part. People proceeding 
from Tibbat to Yar-kand, and vice versa, take provisions for forty days 
along with them, such as bread, clarified batter, and flesh. In that 
mountainous solitude there are black crows, so that whenever a horse, 
tlnoiifh fatigue, lies down and falls asleep, these crows come upon the 
animal and peck out its eyes. There are also wolves, that, if they 
chance to find a man alone, they will attack and rend him. These 
crows, too, if they perceive a man through fatigue lying down, several 
of them collect about him and blind him, and after that devour him. 
The route is very rough and difficult, and besides this, an exhalation 
arises from the ground like unto the samum [vul. "simoon"]. If a 
person should venture to move along somewhat quickly, this noxious 
vapour or exhalation, reaches his brain, and he becomes affected after 
the manner of people on board ship with sea-sickness. At times people 
die from its effects. Some apply garlic to the head, some smell 
it, sometimes lime-juice is taken, and the person affected recovers ; but 
a gx*eat number of horses perish of that samum. l 

" At times it so happens, that a merchant has ten loads of goods, 
and takes with him twenty horses by way of pi'ecaution, to convey the 
goods, and barley, bread, and other necessary stores. By chance, the 
whole of his horses perish on the road [from this malady ?]. The 
merchant then places his loads piled one over the other, in an open 
place, and covers them with mats or felts, and marks the place with a 
heap of stones. If the merchant is going from Tibbat to Yar-kand 
when such an accident befalls him, he comes on, with the persons along 
with him, to Yar-kand, purchases fresh horses, and goes back and 
Eetchea liis property. If, on the other hand, he is going from Yar-kand 
to Tibbal when he has the misfortune to lose his horses, he considers 
which place is (lie nearest to him, and he proceeds thither, and brings 
on horses to carry the loads. If he should remain away for yeai^s, his 
goods sustain neither loss nor injury. 

"In that mountainous part, there are cattle which they style qutds 
iyHk), the tail of which is bushy like that of the fox, but very long, 
which they fasten to the head of their 1uglis % or standai'ds, which 

1 This, of course, is dam-girl already described by MIrza Haidar. 

2 The greater the number of yak tails appended to the tugh or standard, the 
berthe rank ofthe leader to whom it belonged. Thus we read in the old writers, 

in the irara between the Christians andthe'Usmaali Turks, about Pashas of so many 

I-' 



Tibbat three hundred and sixty-five years ago. 41 

hang down like the hair of women. There are a number of these 
animals met with on this route ; and in Tibbat they are domesticated in 
great numbers, and draw loads like as do buffaloes. The flesh and 
milk of these animals are very delicious. The writer of this, the 
humble Mir 'Abdu-l-karlm, Bukhari, proceeded twice into Kash-mir ; 
once, when in his sixteenth year, from Hirat, by Qandahar, Kabul, 
Peshawar, and Muzaffar-abad, and returned by this very route through 
Tibbat. On the other occasion, he proceeded from the territory of 
Bukhara [and] from Snnl-pulad [Semipolatinsk], which is the termina- 
tion of the Masqo [ [Moscow — Russian] territory in that direction, and 
by Ilah, Aq-su, Kashghar, Yar-kand, and Tibbat, to Kash-mir, in 
L224 H. (1809A.D.), and returned from thence by the same route. On 
the way through Tibbat a calf of the qittds was found asleep, and 
I killed it with a pistol; and the flesh was delicious. Those who go 
into Tibbat to purchase the tibbat, that is the pashm [wool] of the 
goats, which pashm is used in the manufacture of shah in Kash-mir, 
bring back zedoary (curcuma zedoaria) from thence along with them. 

" The particulars respecting Tibbat are, that it is a very mountainous 
tract of country, lying between the countries of Khita and Hindustan. 
It is very long in extent from west to east, but much less in breadth, 
while its elevation is so great that its mountains throw their heads to 
the sky, and its routes are as hard as the hearts of misers. It is three 
months' journey [from the part of Tibbat referred to] to what they 

tails ; not that the Pashas were furnished with caudal appendages themselves, but 
their tughs or standards. 

In Rajab, 602 E., February, 1206 A.D., when the title of the Cingiz, or Great 
Khan was assigned to Timur-ci, at the qnriltae, or general assembly, held on that 
occasion, he set up a white tugh or standard, consisting of nine degrees, or tails, 
indicated by as many tails of the ghajz gau or bos grunniens ; and he was seated on a 
high throne with a diadem on his head. Nine is the particularly venerated number 
among the Mnghals, that being the number of the first nine chiefs of their i-indq 
before the general massacre of the Mughal people by the Tattar i-muq. See 
Itibaqat-i-Ndfiri, page 881. 

1 The author in mentioning Ruslah and Rnsian (Russians) says, in one place 
in his work, respecting the distance intervening between their territory and Organj 
and Bukhara at that time — just eighty-five years ago — that, "the difficulties by the 
way, the scarcity of water, firewood, and provisions, and the cold and snow of 
winter, and excessive heat of summer, are such, that the Rnslan, in consequence, 
have no desire or inclination in that direction [in which he, like many others, was 
much mistaken], the Almighty God, having, of His Mercy, placed thereby between 
the people of Islam and the Yajuj-like Rnslan [referring to Yajuj Majuj — Gog and 
Magog], an Alexandrian barrier, otherwise those parts possessed neither the power 
nor the energy to withstand the armies of those infidels." 

At the period in question the Russians were otherwise engaged. 

121 



42 Tibbat three hundred and sixty-five years ago. 

call Lambah [Lhasa ?], where is the temple or place of worship of the 
people of Qalmaq [Qal-I-maq], and an assemblage of Brahmans [! Bud- 
dhists he must mean]. Some relate that the tabid [bier or coffin] of 
Main, the Naqqash, 1 is preserved there. This territory of Lambah is 
in the possession of the Badshah of Khita ; and in it dwell people who 
are nomads, and live in khargdhs [felt tents] in the open country and 
uncultivated tracts, who possess a vast number of sheep and goats. 
Their goats are of large size, and their pashm abundant, like unto 
the sheep of this country [the country where he wrote]. In the month 
of t'rr [June], the shepherds dig up zedoary from the ground in the moun- 
tains and wilds ; and rhubarb, and mamiran [a root yielding a yellow 
dye] are also brought from that part. There is a class of people, who 
having clubbed together, go out into the different mountain districts of 
this territory with their sheep, and from every here and there buy up 
the tibbat or pashm of the goats, from half a huqqah (a fardel or parcel) 
to ten huqqahs, and purchase the male goats also that the natives have 
to sell. Having put the pashm into saddle-bags, they fasten them on 
to their sheep; and in this way, in the course of two months, collecting 
pashm from different places, they manage to load a thousand sheep or 
more." 

1 The name of a celebrated painter who lived in the time of Ard-shir, but 
some say, and more correctly so, in the time of Bahram Shah, rnler of Iran Zamin, and 
who appeared in the world after the time of our Saviour upon earth, and gave 
himself out to be an apostle, upon which HurrnQz Shah, son of Bahram, put him 
to death. 

Another account is, that Man! appeared in the world in the middle of the third 
century, aud gave out that he was the paraclete or comforter promised by our Lord 
Jesus Christ, and soon founded a numerous sect. The ruler of Iran Zamin ordered 
him to be seized, upon which he fled into the country of the Turks (which includes 
Mughals aad Tattars). His religion was a mixture of Magian, Hindu, and Christian 
tenets ; and among his followers were even Christian patriarchs and bishops. His 
sect were, from his name, known in Europe as Manicheans. 



122 



ON THE TRANSLITERATION OF MALAY 

IN THE 

ROMAN CHARACTER. 

BY 

W . E . MAXWELL. 



:0: 



i&^IMl ^^^ years ago, in compliance with the directions of the 

a : |l-j®p Secretary of State for the Colonies, a system was adopt- 

H^.f?Q e d by the Government of the Straits Settlements for 

^-fzk? * ne s P e ^i n g °f native names, in which a want of con- 

£ formity was complained of. It is convenient and desira- 

ble that there should be some standard for the spelling of names 
which may appear in official correspondence, which may be printed 
in Bine-books, and quoted in Parliament. But a system may satis- 
factorily secure uniformity which may nevertheless be wanting on 
the score of scholarship, and, unless sound in the latter respect, it 
will not answer the purposes of the philologist or geographer. 

The adoption of the Government system by the Council of the 
Straits Branch, Boyal Asiatic Society, as that which members are 
invited to adopt.* lays it open to their criticism. It may be ques- 
tioned if it is satisfactory from a scientific point of view, or in ac- 
cordance with principles of true scholarship. Two distinct sub- 
jects — transliteration and pronunciation — are confused, and the re- 
port which deals with them does not sufficiently distinguish between 
instructions how to spell and instructions how to pronounce.' 

* " Malay and English Spelling," Journal of the Straits Branch 
of thr Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. I., p. 45. 



142 TTUVSUTETUTTON OF MALAY. 

The subject is a difficult one. Mabsdeit, Cr.vwffrd and Logan 
have failed to find a satisfactory settlement of it. but T do not think 
that the last word on it has yet been said. The following remarks 
on the transliteration and pronunciation of Malay words ar3 offered 
to the Soeietv with the view of drawing the attention of the Coun- 
cil to the advisability of the adoption for literary and scientific 
purposes of some better system of rendering Malay words in Ro- 
man letters than that hitherto recommended. 

GENERAL PRINCIPLES. 

There are two objects to be kept in view in deciding upon a 

•ui by which to render Malay in Roman characters : — 

1st. To obtain a faithful transliteration of the Malay charac- 
ter. 

2nd. To clothe the words in such a form that they may be 
pronounced correctly by an English reader. 

The first regards letters before sounds, the second regards 
sounds before letters. 

Either of these objects maybe attained separately, but to com- 
bine both without perplexing the reader is more difficult of accom- 
plishment. If the reproduction in some form or other of native 
letters (for some of which the English alphabet has no equivalent) 
is too exclusively attended to, the result may sometimes be a word 
which is difficult of pronunciation to the uninitiated. Cr.vwfurd 
claim- t lie advantage of simplicity for his system, yet few persons 
probably would recognise in S'ex* the common Arabic word Sheikh. 
On the other hand, if the system be purely phonetic, the ear must 
he entirely depended on ; sounds which nearly approach each other 
will be mistaken one for another, and persons professing to use the 
-nine system will very likely spell words differently. 

Another important point must be borne in mind. Malay con- 
tains a hire;e number of pure Sanskrit and Arabic words ; it is 
iary, therefore, to avoid any serious departure from the prin- 
ciple- sanctioned by European scholarship of transliterating those 
languages. Any system of spelling Malay would be discredited 

* Cr vwiiiMi's Dictionary. 



TRANSLITEUATION OF MALAY. 143 

which should present common Sanskrit and Arabic words in un- 
couth forms hardly recognisable to students of those languages. 

It is submitted, therefore, lhat in a really sound system of 
Romanised Malay, — (L) the native spelling must be followed as far 
as possible; (2) educated native pronunciation must be followed in 
supplying vowels which are left unwritten in the native character ; 
(3) native pronunciation may be disregarded where the written 
version is not inconsistent with the true pronunciation of a Sans- 
krit or Arabic word. 
Examples : — 

1. l^ .1* Mart, come. (Here the four letters iw, <>. r and i 
exactly transliterate the four native letters). 

2. xt*J Tarnpang, a coin. 

Tampony, a patch. 

Tempung, a game. 

Tempting, lame. 

Tampang, to lodge. 
These five words are spelt in the same way in the native character, 
in which only the consonants, t m p a <j, are written. Regard must, 
therefore, be had to pronunciation in assigning the proper vowels 
to them when rendered in Roinan letters. 

3. ijj^o Mantri, a minister. This word is pronounced by 
Malays M'ntri, as if there were no definite vowel between the m 
and «, but its Sanskrit origin shews clearly that a is the vowel 
which ought to be supplied. 

,_5 jJ ; \j3 Putra, a prince, Patri, a princess; in these w r ords. 
too, the vowel-sound in the penultimate is indefinite, but the vowel 
u is properly supplied, both being common Sanskrit words ; to write 
them petra and^e/W would be to disguise their origin. 

Vowels. 

The difficulty of arriving at a satisfactory system of translitera- 
tion of Malay is caused partly by the insufficiency of the Arabic 
vowels to render the Malay vowel-sounds. 

The vowels borrowed from the Arabic are four: — 

1 Alif, a, as the a in father. jAj bauiak. many, much, very ; 



144 TliANSLITERATIUN OF MALAY. 

J$ Junta length of time. 

Wau, 6. u, as the o in nose and the u in truth, ^y tolak, 

to push ; &f gum, quality, use. 

jj Ya, e, i, as the e in fete and the double e in //<ee. j-j 6' : (/". 

difference ; j-j bint, wife. 

c 4t«, 'a, 'e, 'i. 'u. This vowel conveys a deep and some- 
what nasal sound which must be heard to be understood ; examples : 
^s. 'umur, life, age ; Jic 'ahal, mind, intelligence ; Jc Hlmu, science. 

These are always long. A short vowel is not written. In 
Arabic indeed it may be denoted by what are called vowel-points 
placed above and below the consonants, but vowel-points have 
been generally adopted in Malay, and the short vowels are left to 
be supplied by the reader like vowels in our ordinary short-hand. 

To shew how completely the use and the accentuation of the 
vowels in Arabic differ from Malay, to which language nevertheless 
the Arabic alphabet (with some additions) has been applied, it is 
only necessary to examine a passage of Arabic transliterated in the 
Eoman character, e. g., an extract from the Kur'an or from any 
other book, or to hear it correctly read. 

The majority of the words, it will be found, end in open vow- 
els, and in pronunciation the long vowels are strongly accentuated. 
A short e is of rare occurrence. 

Take a sentence of equal length in Malay ; it will be remarked 
that most of the words end in consonants, the exceptions being 
generally words of Sanskrit or other foreign origin, in many words 
the nominally short vowels, namely those not written, will have 
equal value in pronunciation with those which are written, and a 
sound which corresponds closely with the short e in the English 
words belong, her<:ft is abundant. 

In writing Malay, therefore, the Arabic alphabet has to express 
sounds very different from those of the language to wdiich it 
belongs. 

The short e in Malay is often " a distinct and peculiar sound, 
which has a separate character to represent it in the Javaneso 
alphabet,"* but for which there is no particular sign in the Pereo- 

' muwfvkd, Malay Grammar, p. 4, 



TRANSLITERATION ui MALAY. 145 

Arabic alphabet used by the Malays. 

This sound can only be expressed in Arabic writing by the 
vowel-point called faihah (Malay, bar it di-atas) ; it is a dash 
placed over the consonant to which the vowel belongs. The parti- 

cles bcr-, ter- would be writteu^_j> : j-> . 

(The fathah, however, denotes a short a as well as a shori ( 

as kapada a— «-j ). 

In the words sembah, salutation, homage, bendang, a rice-field, 
senduk, a spoon, the first syllables are not pronounced like the 
English words gem, men. An indefinite sound is given to the 
syllables mentioned, as if it were attempted to pronounce the two 
consonants without an intervening vowel, s'mbah, Vndang, s'nduJc. 

Some English scholars seeking a satisfactory mode of render- 
ing Malay in Roman letters have attempted to do what the Malays 
have not thought it necessary to do for themselves, namely to de- 
note this peculiar vowel-sound by a particular sign. Ceawfued 
professed to distinguish it by a; Keas berry wrote u; there is per- 
haps good reason for this in works intended for the use of students 
beginning the study of the language, vocabularies, grammars and 
the like. But the authors of the Government spelling-system, who 
selected e to express the sound in question, might have spared 
themselves this additional vowel-symbol. 

As we have seen above, this sound can only be expressed in 
writing by Malays by the fathah. short a or short e. Why not be 
satisfied with a or c to express it in English'? This is quite suffi- 
cient for purposes of transliteration, and scientific men do not want 
to burden their text with accents to denote sounds not expressed in 
the native text. We do not distinguish by a different sign each of 
the numerous ways of pronouncing e in the English or French 
language. 

Once quit the safe ground of transliteration and trust to that 
uncertain guide — the ear — and all chance of uniformity is at an end. 
Let us see how the systems mentioned above have worked in prac- 
tice. Take, for instance, the short syllable sa, which is frequently 
found as the first syllable of Malay words. The authorities who 
have been quoted are not agreed when to give the svllable the 



14.(j TBANSLITEEATION OF MALAY. 

force of the vowel a and when to introduce their signs for the pecu- 
liar vowel-sound which they want to represent. 

Keasberry writes satnoa and sakarang, but subldh, sMikit and 
stbab. 

Crawfurd writes sabenar, sabab, sadikit and sadikit, sakarang 
and sakarang, sambihui and sembilan ; one word is spelt in four 
different ways, sdpdrti, sapdrti, sapurti and sapurti ; he introduces 
the vowel in a curious manner in the Sanskrit words srigala, which 
he spells sdrigala, and sloka, which he spells sdlolca. The short 
vowels in the Sanskrit word sdbda and the Arabic word sobtti are 
represented in different ways. 

The Spelling Committee of the Straits Settlements write 
Selangor, Sarawak and sembilan, though it is not clear why sa is 
allowed to stand in Sarawak while Salangor is held to be wrong. 
The adoption of the syllable se in sembilan (nine) is still more sin- 
gular, for the vowel is clearly a, sambilan being derived from sa- 
-ambil-an, " one taken away (from ten).'' In most instances this 
initial syllable is derived from the Sanskrit sa or sum (with) and 
it cannot be right to render it by sc or s£, which do not more 
nearly approach the Malay pronunciation than sa. 

Many other instances might be given. I have seen in Govern- 
ment publications the name of the Malay State <: Patani," spelt 
" Pctani." Yet it can hardly be said that there is good reason for 
departing from the established mode of spelling this word (which 
has bceu spelt " Patani " from the days of James I.), when it is 
remembered that the Malay historical work called Sajarah JIalaga 
Baya that the state was called after a fisherman who had a son 
called Tani and was therefore called Pa-Tani (Tani's father). How- 
ever absurd this derivation may be, its occurrence in a purely na- 
tive work is at all events conclusive as to the pronunciation of the 
first syllable. 

SYSTEM PROPOSED. 



Vowels. 



The only use of the accents which will be inserted is to denote 
i hat the vowel is expressed in the Malay text. No sign will be used 



TRANSLITERATION' OF MALAY. 147 

to denote the accentuation of any particular syllable ; translitera- 
tion, not pronunciation, is the first object to be kept in view. For 
general purposes, the accents may be omitted at option. It cannot 
matter whether oL , the eye, is rendered mala or mata. Thus : — 

a corresponds with 1 written in Malay, as .jili pdpan. 

a and e correspond with fat hah where the vowel is omitted, as 
Ls 3 panjang, \SJ*J>. ber-cherei. 

I and e correspond with ^ written in Malay, as ^ bini, jjs r^ 
kixhek. 

i and e correspond with kesrah where the vowel is omitted, as 
cjj^ dindlng.yt^o r.ahir, jpli pdfrk. 

u and 6 correspond withj written in Malay, as oj> buta, jL*y 
bohomj. 

u and o correspond with dammah where the vowel is omitted, 
as \z»z3 tuntut, ,jxJ pondok. 

' The Greek rough breathing before a vowel denotes the pre- 
sence of c ain in the native writing, as Jlc 'akcd.j+s. 'vmur ^jl** 
ma'alum. 

Diptiioxgs. 

at corresponds with I and ^ when followed by a consonant, 
as ij>'\j bail: du'U nalk. 

an corresponds withj, afijiypahm. 
ei corresponds with ^, as ^Jj* sungci. 

Y and W. 

Y should be written for ^ when it precedes or is preceded by 
a long vowel, as /uL» sayang : Ji layar ; ^jIj bayang ; fc y, moyang ; 
*±y biujong. Exception. <j should never be rendered by hj for this 
gives two letters to one Malay character where one letter is 
sufficient; cL*. siang, not siyaiig ; f y^> siong not siyong. 

W should be written for j when it precedes or is preceded by 

a long vowel, as ljl> bawa ; ^jo kawan ; jjjV lawaJc. 
Exception : — 
j should never be rendered by uto, for this gives two letters to 



148 TRAXSLITEIUTION' OP MALAY. 

one Malay character and one sufficiently expresses the sound : olj* 
buat. not buwat ; y\jTkii«la, not kuwala; J\y turn, not tuwan. 

LTQrins. 

The combination of two consonants the latter of which is a 
liquid, which is so common in Aryan languages, is not to be found 
in indigenous Malay words. "Where it apparently occurs its pre- 
sence is caused by the elision of the vowel in one of the Polynesian 
prefixes her, ter, lea, sa, and pe. 

There are, of course, plenty of Sanskrit words in Malay in which 
the junction of two consonants, one being a liquid, occurs, such as 
satru, indra, sri, mantri, but I believe that no instance of two con- 
sonants sounded together can be pointed out in Malay which can- 
not be accounted for either by foreign derivation or elision of the 
vowel of a particle. 

Malay is an agglutinative language, and many of its dissyllabic 
radicals have been developed from monosyllables by the prefix of 
particles. Their origin has been forgotten and by the gradual 
growth of the language they may be now lengthened into words of 
three, four and five syllables by the addition of prefixes and affixes, 
each, change giving fresh development to the simple idea embodied 
in the radical. 

To analyse the origin of indigenous Malay words and to get 
some idea of their derivation, and of the connection between manv 
whicb present distinct forms and get obvious similarity, it is ne- 
cessary to identify the agglutinative particles and to distinguish 
them from the root. Where the syllables are distinct this is easy ; 
in the words mekik, to cry out, to hoot ; pekik, to squeal or scream 
as a woman ; berkik, the snipe, literally, the squeaker, — the common 
root kik, and the agglutinative particles, me, pe, and her, are easily 
distinguished. 

But where the first letter of the root or radical is a liquid, there 
is a tendency in pronunciation to blend with it the first letter of 
the particle. Nevertheless, it is quite clear that in spelling such 
words as pelandok, the mouse. deer ; pelantak, a ramrod ; peluru, a 



TRANSLITERATION OF MALAY. 149 

bullet, — the full value of the particle should be shewn, and that 
plant ale, plandok and plum are incorrect and un scholarly. 

Pe is the sign of a verbal noun. I do not know of any Malay 
verb landok, but that the name of the mouse-deer is derived from 
a word having something to do with rapidity of motion is sufficient- 
ly shewn by the meanings of other words having the same root : — 

Lanchit and lonchat, to jump, spring. 

Lanchcrr, quick, direct, fluent. 

Larichur, to flow, spurt out. 

Lanjut, long, stretching forward. 

Lantak, to strike home, transfix. 

Lanting, to fling. 

Langsong, to proceed direct, &c. 

On the same principle, it is not incorrect to shew, by the in- 
sertion of the vowel before the liquid, the existence of the forgotten 
particle in the first syllable of such words as, bri (be-ri), give; 
blanja (bel-anja), expend; Liang a (bel-anga), a cooking pot; trang 
(le-rang), cleared; trima (tc-rima), receive; trus (te-rus), through.* 

* One advantage of inserting the rowel is that the separation of the 
particle from the root renders apparent etymological features which 
might otherwise be unsuspected. Thus, in the examples given above, the 
same root may perhaps be detached in the Malay words for " give " and 
" receive." 

So the common derivation of belanga and other words having to do 
with heat or burning becomes apparent : — 

Bel-anga, a cooking pot. 

ITungat, hot. 

Hangus, burnt, scorched. 

Hangit, smell of something burning. 
The meaning of ran or rang appears to be " to cut;" it occurs in such 
words as, rantas, to cut a passage through jungle ; ranchong, to whittle to 
a point, etc. ; terang, or trang, is "cleared," " cut away," and therefore 
"clear," " plain ;" pa-rang, is " the cutter," the chopper or jungle-knife 
used in agriculture. 

J7s,-the root of term ox trus, seems to convey the idea of admission 
or penetration : — 

Terns, through. 

Che/us, admissible. 

Lulus, admissible, permissible. 

Tumbus, pierced, perforated. 

Halns, fine, slender. 

Kimts, thin, &c, 



150 



TltANSUTETtATIOX OF MALAY. 
Co>*SO>*AXTS. 



The following are the consonants used in writing Malay with 
the equivalents by which I propose to represent them in Eoman 
letters : — 

i_j ba, ... ... b 

o tfl ... . . . t 

O sa ... ... s * in Arabic th, pronounced 

as in thin. 
... j 
... ch 
... h 
... kh t 
... d 

dh pronounced in Arabic like 

Hi in this. 
r 
... z 
s 
... sh 

... Bj 

... d ]| (in pronouncing this let- 
ter the tongue touches 
the back of the upper 
front teeth). 



E. 


urn 




cha 


e. 


ha 


c 


•7' 


kha 




dal 


i 


dhal 


J 


ra 


J 


zay 


\J* 


sin, sim 


J* 


shin, shim 


U° 


sad 


J 3 


dad 



til 
za, zoi 

ghrain 



t 
z 

ghrft 



*# 



* Only two words arc in common use in Malay which commence with 

this letter, namely the names of the second and third days of the week. 

t~ is a strong guttural. It resembles the sound of ch. in the 

Scotch word loch. 

X tjo is a strongly articulated palatal a, somewhat like ss in hiss. 

|| u^ the true sound of this letter must be learnt by the ear. 
It is like a strong d. 

** )o the power of this letter is that of .v, pronounced with a 
hollow sound from the throat. 

ft p. is a hard guttural g. It somewhat resembles the sound of 
llie Northumbrian r. 



9 


nga 


v__» 


ft 


^J 


p3 


J 


kaf 


id 


kaf 


d or i^5 


g a 


J 


lain 


r 


inim 


u 


nun 


j 


wau 


*, »l »! 


, ha 


u? 


ya 


1-1 


nia 



TRANSLITERATION OF MALAY. 151 

... ng 

... f 

... p 

... k * 

... k 

... g hard. 

... 1 

... in 

... n 
w 

... h 

... y^ 

... ni, ny, nia, nya 
Some of the foregoing letters represent sounds which do not 
belong to the native Malay language, but which are found only in 
words taken from Arabic. Uneducated Malays make little attempt 
to pi'onounce them, but every boy who learns to read the Kur'an 
has to do so and the present tendency of the language is to borrow 
more and more from the Arabs. 

f is almost always turned by Malays into a p ; e. g., pikir for 
file ir. 

k and k are generally pronounced alike by Malays and Ich is 
not always distinguished from them. 
il> } { j*, ^ are all pronounced alike, as s, by the Malays. 

In the same way little or no distinction is made in pronuncia- 
tion between t and t. The letters denoted by d and z are generally 
mispronounced by Malays, who sometimes render them by 1 and 
sometimes, as do Muhammadans in Persia and India, by z. 

Spelling of Arabic Words. 

Certain rules remain to be noticed which should be observed 
in transliterating Arabic words in Malay literature. 

Al (el-) is assimilated before the solar letters, which are: — 
&> &> •>> J >j.-J> a"' lP> u°> u°> k, k, J and u . 

* j is a guttural k. This and the five preceding notes are 
taken from Faria-El-Shidiac's Arabic Grammar. 



\Z2 TRANSLITK11ATI0X OF .MALAY. 

The other letters are called the lunar letters and <^o not assimi- 
late the J, namely : — 

! ' v ' E C C £' £.' l ~ i ' ^' <*' J ' *' aUtl ^' 
Examples : -r-rah-mdni-r-raMm, the merciful, the compassionate ; 

vuiliM yaumi-d-din, the Lord of the Day of Judgment; alci/Ju-s-sa- 
lam on him be peace. Proper names : Abdurrahman Dia-uddin. 

The force of the orthographical sign called teshdid may be 
rendered bv doubling the consonants over which it is placed as tarn- 
mat, finished; jannat, Paradise (lit. "the garden"), Muhammad, 
Mohamed ; Sayyid, a descendant of the Prophet. 



DS Hoemle, August Friedrich Rudolf 

423 Annual address 

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